The Social Order and Violent Disorder: An Analysis of North Carolina in the Revolution and the Civil War

1986 ◽  
Vol 52 (3) ◽  
pp. 373 ◽  
Author(s):  
Paul D. Escott ◽  
Jeffrey J. Crow
Keyword(s):  
North Carolina ◽  
Civil War ◽  
Social Order ◽  
The Social ◽  
The Revolution

Who Was This Man?

2017 ◽  
Author(s):  
Mitch Kachun
Keyword(s):  
Nineteenth Century ◽  
Eighteenth Century ◽  
Social Order ◽  
Atlantic World ◽  
Life Experiences ◽  
Broad Context ◽  
Military Power ◽  
The Social ◽  
The Revolution

Chapter 1 introduces the broad context of the eighteenth-century Atlantic world in which Crispus Attucks lived, describes the events of the Boston Massacre, and assesses what we know about Attucks’s life. It also addresses some of the most widely known speculations and unsupported stories about Attucks’s life, experiences, and family. Much of what is assumed about Attucks today is drawn from a fictionalized juvenile biography from 1965, which was based largely on research in nineteenth-century sources. Attucks’s characterization as an unsavory outsider and a threat to the social order emerged during the soldiers’ trial. Subsequently, American Revolutionaries in Boston began the construction of a heroic Attucks as they used the memory of the massacre and all its victims to serve their own political agendas during the Revolution by portraying the victims as respectable, innocent citizens struck down by a tyrannical military power.

scholarly journals The Committee of Members of the Constituent Assembly as a Left-Democratic Alternative to the Communists and the Whites in the Civil War

2021 ◽  
Vol 9 (1) ◽  
Author(s):  
Alexander Shubin
Keyword(s):  
Civil War ◽  
World War I ◽  
Private Property ◽  
State Regulation ◽  
Social Rights ◽  
Constituent Assembly ◽  
The Social ◽  
The Government ◽  
The Military ◽  
The Revolution

The Committee of Members of the Constituent Assembly (Komuch) was an option in the Civil War that was essentially distinct from both the Soviet and the White alternatives. Komuch differed from the Soviet and the White authorities, as it was characterised by a combination of advanced socioeconomic policy and a dogmatically principled commitment to parliamentary democracy. In the event of the military victory of such a power, the success of the social democratic model was not guaranteed (as the history of Europe during the interwar period demonstrated), but Russia’s chances of moving along a path that combined a social state and democratic institutions would have increased markedly. While criticising, and in many respects rightly so, the military policy of the Bolsheviks, the Social Revolutionaries and Mensheviks had to partially restore market capitalist relations. Their successful development was possible with the cooperation of the government and the bourgeoisie. The bourgeoisie demanded the dismantlement of “socialist conquests”, which Komuch was not going to do – both for ideological reasons and because the capitalist economy had begun to disintegrate during World War I and the Revolution. Komuch’s path involved the combination of a market economy (not necessarily just capitalist), state regulation, and broad social rights. After the Bolshevik promises, the workers and peasants took it quite calmly, fearing the possible cancellation of the social gains of the Revolution and expressing dissatisfaction with violations of promised civil rights. But the bourgeoisie, convinced of the “inconsistency” of dismantling institutions that infringed on the right of private property, stood in sharp opposition to Komuch, betting on its opponents in the anti-Soviet camp. At the same time, Komuch did not have time to build a state system for monitoring compliance with social rights and had to rely on the activity of trade unions, which, due to their social function, were critical of the government – in this case, Komuch. Komuch followed the law regulating the socialisation of land adopted by the Constituent Assembly and proposed a relatively successful version of regulating the food supply for the cities. Initially, the people’s army created by Komuch was also successful (enjoying support from the Czechoslovak Corps). However, Komuch faced a blockade by the Provisional Siberian Government. It was the opposition of more right-wing forces in the rear that predetermined the defeat of the Komuch alternative.

The Bravest of the Brave

2014 ◽  
Keyword(s):  
North Carolina ◽  
Civil War ◽  
Political Issues ◽  
Confederate Army ◽  
Senior Officer ◽  
The Social ◽  
Army Of Northern Virginia ◽  
Camp Life ◽  
The Military ◽  
Insight Into

Born in Lincolnton, North Carolina, in 1837, Stephen Dodson Ramseur rose meteorically through the military ranks. Graduating from West Point in 1860, he joined the Confederate army as a captain, and, by the time of his death near the end of the war at the Battle of Cedar Creek, had attained the rank of major general in the Army of Northern Virginia. Ramseur excelled in every assignment and was involved as a senior officer in many of the war's most important conflicts east of the Appalachians. His letters—over 180 of which are collected and transcribed here—provide his incisive observations on these military events, and, at the same time, offer a rare insight into the personal opinions of a high-ranking Civil War officer. Correspondence by Civil War figures is often strictly professional. But in Ramseur's personal letters to his wife, Nellie, and best friend, David Schenk, this book candidly expresses beliefs about the social, military, and political issues of the day. It also shares vivid accounts of battle and daily camp life, providing colorful details on soldiering during the war.

Four Demons of Valentin Kataev

Slavic Review ◽  
1985 ◽  
Vol 44 (4) ◽  
pp. 647-662 ◽  
Author(s):  
Dodona Kiziria
Keyword(s):  
Civil War ◽  
Social Order ◽  
Narrative Structure ◽  
The Novel ◽  
Soviet Literature ◽  
New Social Order ◽  
The Revolution

“Revolution itself commanded men's lives in those days.”Valentin Kataev, The Grass of OblivionThe Grass of Oblivion, a novel by Valentin Kataev, is a tribute to the Russian writers who were forced to choose their path during the revolution and the civil war. The theme may seem outdated, but the approach to the theme and its literary treatment are amazingly original and modern. In all of Soviet literature it would be difficult to find tragic images comparable to the two poets in this narrative (Bunin and Maiakovskii) who are compelled, finally and irrevocably, either to accept or reject the role offered to them by the new social order. Yet these images are outlined with such grace and elegance, and so tempered with irony, that an ambivalence, an almost diabolic duality is etched into the characters and events. Even the character of the narrator appears split, further complicating the multileveled narrative structure of the novel in which reality is so densely interwoven with fantasy that a third, synthesizing plane of meaning emerges.

3. The reign of terror

2018 ◽  
pp. 38-53
Author(s):  
Charles Townshend
Keyword(s):  
French Revolution ◽  
Social Order ◽  
Human Agency ◽  
The Enlightenment ◽  
The Social ◽  
State Actors ◽  
Reign Of Terror ◽  
The French Revolution ◽  
The Revolution

What are the origins of terrorism? ‘The reign of terror’ explains that the notion of terrorism, or terror, came from the French Revolution. The terror transformed the Revolution from a liberating to a destructive force. Those who instigated the terror had to find justification for their violent killing. Their motivation provides a key to the distinctive nature of modern terrorism. The revolutionaries may have seemed to act as crusaders, but the Reign of Terror was informed by the Enlightenment assumption that human agency can change the social order. The French Revolution’s use of violence created a model for the application of terrorizing force by state actors that lasted two centuries.

Categorizing Counter-Revolution

2020 ◽  
pp. 98-138
Author(s):  
Matthew Rendle
Keyword(s):  
Civil War ◽  
Lower Class ◽  
Qualitative Approaches ◽  
The Social ◽  
The Impact ◽  
Social Backgrounds ◽  
The Revolution

Chapter 3 examines how the Bolsheviks categorized counter-revolutionary crimes and, in doing so, exerted control over definitions of the revolution and sought to establish new ‘norms’. Initial conceptions of counter-revolution revolved around revolts, plots, or sabotage conducted by obvious political and social enemies, but the Bolsheviks faced an increasing array of problems as the civil war intensified, and more activities were soon included. The elasticity of the term ‘counter-revolution’ provided law and tribunals with much of their power, but this did not inevitably mean ‘lawlessness’ or ‘arbitrariness’; there may have been no formal law codes, but there were numerous decrees and tribunals targeting specific threats based on the state’s evolving fears and ambitions. Nevertheless, as the category of counter-revolution expanded, particularly with a growing focus on mass crimes and ‘shock’ campaigns, so too did the social backgrounds of counter-revolutionaries to encompass primarily lower-class ‘criminals’, which had significant implications for broader state–society relations. This chapter uses both quantitative and qualitative approaches before finishing with an analysis of the impact of the new law codes of 1922 on categories of crime.

scholarly journals “Without Any More Law Than Their Own Caprice”: Cotton Textile Workers and the Challenge to Factory Authority During the Mexican Revolution

1997 ◽  
Vol 42 (2) ◽  
pp. 253-288 ◽  
Author(s):  
Jeffrey Bortz
Keyword(s):  
Social Relations ◽  
Social Order ◽  
Mexican Revolution ◽  
Labor Law ◽  
Cotton Textile ◽  
Textile Workers ◽  
The Social ◽  
Work World ◽  
Revolutionary Period ◽  
The Revolution

SummaryMuch current literature argues that the Mexican revolution was not a revolution at all, but rather a series of rebellions that did not fundamentally alter the social order. Similarly, many scholars assert the changes in the Mexican work world during the Mexican revolution were the result of a paternalistic state rather than the product of the actions of workers. This article examines cotton textile workers' relationship to authority in the workplace during the most violent phase of Mexico's revolution, 1910–1921. The results suggest that revolution indeed gripped the country, one that energized the country's still emerging factory proletariat. There is compelling evidence that millhands throughout Mexico continuously and successfully challenged the authority of owners and supervisors, fundamentally altering the social relations of work. It is this “hidden” revolution in the factories that explains changes in labor law, labor organization, and worker power in the immediate post-revolutionary period. The effectiveness of the workers' challenge to authority is what explains: 1) the new regime's need to unionize; 2) the development of pro-labor labor law after the revolution; 3) the power of unions after 1920. In short, workers' challenge to authority during the revolution is what explains the labor outcome of the revolution afterwards.

scholarly journals Strong state and weak minority in post-civil war Sri Lanka: A study based on state-in-society approach

2020 ◽  
Vol 7 (6) ◽  
pp. 72-78
Author(s):  
Mohamed Anifa Mohamed Fowsar ◽  
Mansoor Mohamed Fazil
Keyword(s):  
Civil War ◽  
Sri Lanka ◽  
Social Order ◽  
The State ◽  
Security Measures ◽  
Social Force ◽  
Strong State ◽  
The Social ◽  
The Government ◽  
Military Victory

This study aims to analyze the strong state of Sri Lanka that emerged after the civil war during the regime of Mahinda Rajapaksa. The Liberation Tigers of Tamil Eelam (LTTE) was the leading Tamil militant social force, which was waging war against the government to form a separate state in the northern and eastern regions of Sri Lanka. The government ended both the separatist struggle of the LTTE and the civil war in May 2009 by winning a major military victory. This study is a qualitative analysis based on text analysis and field interviews, supplemented with limited observations. The study reveals that the state introduced enhanced security measures to avoid possible LTTE regrouping and re-commencement of violence in the country. The state also attempted to fragment minority parties to weaken the state reconstitution process through penetration and regulation of the social order.

The Archetypes Echoed in the Collective Unconscious of the People

2006 ◽  
Vol 39 (3) ◽  
pp. 411-420 ◽  
Author(s):  
Marijana Sandić ◽  
Aneta Sandić
Keyword(s):  
Civil War ◽  
Federal Republic ◽  
Social Order ◽  
Collective Unconscious ◽  
Party Leaders ◽  
The People ◽  
The Social ◽  
Nationalist Parties

The socio-cultural matrix of Bosnia-Herzegovina led towards victory of the nationalist parties in the multi-party elections in 1991. Carefully chosen party leaders, awakening the archaic images, led people into what Fromm called the ‘semi-hypnoid state of consciousness’. This caused the breakout of fratricidal - so-called civil - war, to the scene. It lasted from 6 April 1992 to 14 December1995. From then until the present time, Bosnia-Herzegovina has witnessed individuals emerging as political-economical ogres. Controlling the social order in Bosnia-Herzegovina, a part of former Socialist Federal Republic of Yugoslavia, they dictate the replacement of the socialistic regime in which we once lived, imposing the lifestyle codes of their narcissistic culture.

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