Affairs of Party: The Political Culture of Northern Democrats in the Mid- Nineteenth Century.

1984 ◽  
Vol 50 (1) ◽  
pp. 128
Author(s):  
Harry L. Watson ◽  
Jean H. Baker
2016 ◽  
Vol 58 (2) ◽  
pp. 550-576 ◽  
Author(s):  
Assef Ashraf

AbstractThis article uses gift-giving practices in early nineteenth-century Iran as a window onto statecraft, governance, and center-periphery relations in the early Qajar state (1785–1925). It first demonstrates that gifts have a long history in the administrative and political history of Iran, the Persianate world, and broader Eurasia, before highlighting specific features found in Iran. The article argues that the pīshkish, a tributary gift-giving ceremony, constituted a central role in the political culture and economy of Qajar Iran, and was part of the process of presenting Qajar rule as a continuation of previous Iranian royal dynasties. Nevertheless, pīshkish ceremonies also illustrated the challenges Qajar rulers faced in exerting power in the provinces and winning the loyalty of provincial elites. Qajar statesmen viewed gifts and bribes, at least at a discursive level, in different terms, with the former clearly understood as an acceptable practice. Gifts and honors, like the khil‘at, presented to society were part of Qajar rulers' strategy of presenting themselves as just and legitimate. Finally, the article considers the use of gifts to influence diplomacy and ease relations between Iranians and foreign envoys, as well as the ways in which an inadequate gift could cause offense.


Author(s):  
Dalia Antonia Muller

This chapter tells the story of two key and connected institutions of the Cuban Independence movement outside of Cuba: the Cuban Revolutionary Party (PRC) and the National Association of Cuban Revolutionary Émigrés (ANERC). These institutions and their records have much to teach us about the political culture of Cubans in exile during the second half of the nineteenth century. More specifically, the chapter explores the tension between inclusion and exclusion that marked both institutions during the 1890s and the first few decades of the twentieth century, with a special emphasis on race, class and gender.


2013 ◽  
Vol 47 (4) ◽  
pp. 903-923
Author(s):  
CHERYL HUDSON

The exceptional character of the United States' political culture has been and continues to be hotly contested. In the late nineteenth century, commentators framed radical ideologies as “un-American” and they subsequently entered the political lexicon as alien to American ideals and values. However, far less scholarly attention has been given to alternative definitions of “un-American” activity that emerged in the late nineteenth century. This article examines the charges made by contemporaries against the “un-American” town of Pullman and of George Pullman's patronage of his town and its workers. Through a close reading of Addams's critique of Pullman as “A Modern Lear” as well as other narratives and counternarratives contained within contemporary speeches, pamphlets, and newspaper and journal articles, this essay will demonstrate the flexible nature of the charge of “un-Americanism” in the crisis years of the 1890s. In that decade, the character of the modern nation was still highly contested and although the conservative, anti-union view won the immediate Pullman battle, it did not do so without a fight and it did not ultimately succeed in defining the character of the modern nation.


1991 ◽  
Vol 24 (2-3) ◽  
pp. 293-303 ◽  
Author(s):  
Marion W. Gray

The three articles of this symposium contribute to a vital debate about the nature of modern German politics. The works by Barbara Anderson, Loyd Lee, and Lawrence Flockerzie discuss the political culture upon which the post-Napoleonic reconstruction of Germany rested. This political culture transcended the conventional concepts “liberal” and “conservative.” It was based on bourgeois ideals.


1984 ◽  
Vol 89 (1) ◽  
pp. 200
Author(s):  
Richard P. McCormick ◽  
Jean H. Baker ◽  
Ronald P. Formisano

Author(s):  
Marta Fernández Peña

En estas páginas se examinan las calidades exigidas a los representantes parlamentarios en Perú a partir de la Constitución de 1860, el marco normativo vigente hasta 1920. Para ello se utilizan los discursos esgrimidos por los propios parlamentarios en el desarrollo de sus funciones, lo que permite una aproximación a la cultura política de las élites liberales. El objetivo de este trabajo es analizar qué percepción tenían los parlamentarios de sí mismos y de su función en el Parlamento, y cómo operaba en este sentido uno de los principios básicos del liberalismo decimonónico: el principio de distinción. Finalmente, se puede afirmar que los cargos de diputados y senadores resultaban ser categorías políticas definidas por los propios parlamentarios, quienes consideraban su función como distinta y superior a la de los electores. Por ello, se hacía necesario restringir el espacio del Congreso a un sector “distinguido” de la población, a través de la imposición de una serie de requisitos. These pages analyse the qualities required of parliamentarians in Peru from the Constitution of 1860, the regulatory framework until 1920. With this aim, we used the speeches pronounced by the parliamentarians in the development of their functions, which allows an approach to the political culture of liberal elites. The objective of this paper is to analyse the perception of parliamentarians about themselves and their role in Parliament, and how one of the basic principles of nineteenth century liberalism operated in this sense: the principle of distinction. Finally, it can be affirmed that the positions of deputies and senators acted as political categories defined by the own parliamentarians, who considered their role as different and superior to that of the electors. Therefore, it was necessary to restrict the space of the Congress to a “distinguished” sector of the population, through the imposition of a series of requirements.


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