Harry Truman and the Election of 1948: The Coming of Age of Civil Rights in American Politics

1971 ◽  
Vol 37 (4) ◽  
pp. 597 ◽  
Author(s):  
Harvard Sitkoff
2020 ◽  
pp. 137-158
Author(s):  
Joe William Trotter

By the mid-1960s, the political and social terrain on which the Urban League worked had changed dramatically. The Pittsburgh-born children of southern black migrants had come of age and pushed hard against the color line in the city's economy, politics, and institutions. National headquarters and local branches across the country worried about the increasing black nationalist turn in African American politics. But the ULP had helped to establish the postwar groundwork and even models for the fluorescence and even militance of Pittsburgh's Civil Rights and Black Power struggles of the 1960s and early 1970s.


1973 ◽  
Vol 35 (1) ◽  
pp. 3-16
Author(s):  
James Hitchcock

The environmental movement has produced a confusion in American politics stemming from the difficulties of classifying it according to conventional categories. Most of its warriors are young people who identify with the Counter-Culture, yet it is often denounced by hard-line radicals as diversionary. Its most substantial supporters are left-liberal suburbanites, but it also attracts individuals who have no truck with civil-rights or antiwar causes. It is future-oriented in image and rhetoric, yet its severer critics call its leaders “arch-Druids” and accuse them of trying to repeal progress.


2018 ◽  
Vol 30 (3) ◽  
pp. 552-574 ◽  
Author(s):  
Robert B. Horwitz

Abstract:The victim has become among the most important identity positions in American politics. Victimhood is now a pivotal means by which individuals and groups see themselves and constitute themselves as political actors. Indeed, victimhood seems to have become a status that must be established before political claims can be advanced. Victimhood embodies the assertion that an individual or group has suffered wrongs that must be requited. What seems new is that wounded groups assert a self-righteous claim that they stand for something larger than their particular injury. The article explores how and why victimhood has become such a powerful theme in American politics. It suggests that victimhood as politics emerged from the contentious politics of the 1960s, specifically the civil rights movement and its aftermath. Key factors include the reaction to the minority rights and women’s movements, as well as internal dynamicswithinthe rights movements.


Author(s):  
Peter Hegarty

LGBTQ (Lesbian, Gay, Bisexual, Transgender, and Queer) psychology is a loosely organized subfield of psychology. The field emerged, principally in the United States, in the late 1960s in concert with the de-pathologization of adult homosexuality in the Diagnostic and Statistical Manual of Mental Disorders. Over the decade of the 1970s, psychologists stopped researching adult lesbians and gay men as a psychiatric category and initiated new research on relationships, parenting, and the prejudice experienced by this stigmatized group. The HIV/AIDS epidemic lead this subfield to grow rapidly, to focus on men, to gain far wider engagement from mainstream psychologists, and to make health outcomes central to LGBTQ psychology’s raison d’etre. The 1990s were described as a period of “coming of age” as the field began to address bisexuality more directly, to internationalize, and to become more central to strategies in the United States to use psychological evidence to support the civil rights of minorities in court cases. The development of transgender-affirmative psychologies, a literature on the particular psychological issues of LGBTQ people of color in the United States, and an emphasis on the rights of same-gender couples to legal recognition of their relationships were new and prominent themes in the 21st-century literature. This subfield of psychology has been characterized by its historical emergence in the United States, a relative lack of attention to children, an urge to affirm under-represented groups by researching them, and a frustration that descriptive research does not always bring about the desired social transformations that motivate it.


Author(s):  
Jesse Berrett

This book explores professional football’s rising popularity in the 1960s and its simultaneous promotion by the NFL as “what makes this country great.” Taking the NFL seriously as a producer of culture—it boasted a publishing house, movie studio, and lobbyists—reveals how it used its status as the national pastime to foment broad debate. The book then explores how political influencers capitalized on that popularity by sending candidates to games, encouraging players and coaches to run for office, and stage-managing conventions that conveyed competence through effective television presentation. Middle Americans might vote for politicians who liked the game; centrist players became engaged democratic citizens; traditionalist coaches and radical athletes suddenly had a platform. Though this field tilted right, politicians on the left saw no contradiction between loving the game and standing for civil rights. This interweaving of football and politics does not reflect a dumbing-down of American politics or merely replicate the standard narrative of conservative realignment: no single participant in this scrimmage won a dominant political meaning for football. But Ronald Reagan built his appeal in 1980 around the romanticized role of George Gipp, making clear that a cluster of images promoted in the ‘60s by the NFL, and created collectively over the next decade, could and would still serve as a resonant symbol through the 80s and beyond.


2003 ◽  
Vol 36 (2) ◽  
pp. 262
Author(s):  
Joe P. Dunn ◽  
Michael R. Gardner

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