The Advisory Practice of the Inter-American Human Rights Court

1985 ◽  
Vol 79 (1) ◽  
pp. 1-27 ◽  
Author(s):  
Thomas Buergenthal

The American Convention on Human Rights entered into force in 1978. To date, 18 OAS member states, out of 31, have ratified it. Included among the states parties to the Convention are all the Central American Republics as well as Panama, Mexico, the Dominican Republic and Haiti. The five Andean Pact nations have ratified, as have Jamaica, Barbados and Grenada. Argentina is the latest state to become a party; it did so on September 5, 1984, and thus became the first and, to date, only Southern Cone country to do so. The others—Chile, Paraguay and Uruguay—have not ratified; nor have Brazil, the United States, Suriname and a number of English-speaking Caribbean states.

2018 ◽  
Vol 112 (2) ◽  
pp. 322-326

On November 22, 2017, Secretary of State Rex Tillerson released a statement addressing attacks on the Rohingya population in Burma: [T]he key test of any democracy is how it treats its most vulnerable and marginalized populations, such as the ethnic Rohingya and other minority populations. Burma's government and security forces must respect the human rights of all persons within its borders, and hold accountable those who fail to do so.… .These abuses by some among the Burmese military, security forces, and local vigilantes have caused tremendous suffering and forced hundreds of thousands of men, women, and children to flee their homes in Burma to seek refuge in Bangladesh. After a careful and thorough analysis of available facts, it is clear that the situation in northern Rakhine state constitutes ethnic cleansing against the Rohingya.


1960 ◽  
Vol 14 (2) ◽  
pp. 360-361 ◽  

It was reported that during a meeting of the Council of the Organization of American States (OAS) on February 8, 1960, a debate took place on the alleged violations of human rights perpetuated by the government of General Rafael Leonidas Trujillo Molina of the Dominican Republic. Dr. Falcon-Briceno, Venezuelan ambassador to the United States, who had brought the charge on instructions of his government, contended that a concern for human rights was a basic function of the inter-American system and called upon the Council to investigate the situation. He was challenged by the Dominican ambassador, Mr. Diaz Ordoñez, who insisted that the prevailing situation was a matter of exclusively domestic concern to his government and stressed the fact that non-intervention in internal affairs was a basic principle of the inter-American system. The delegates were urged to action by the delegate of Honduras, who expressed the view that the principle of non-intervention should not close the door to action deemed to be necessary for the preservation of human rights and liberties. After a threehour debate, the Council reportedly decided, by a vote of 20 to none, with 1 abstention (the Dominican Republic), to initiate an inquiry into the matter. To this end, five nations—Argentina, Brazil, El Salvador, Peru, and the United States—were appointed as a working group to consider whether and how the organization could conduct an investigation in the case.


2004 ◽  
Vol 5 (10) ◽  
pp. 1187-1206 ◽  
Author(s):  
Michael Tonry

It is common for reformist academics, human rights advocates, and political liberals to bemoan harsher public attitudes towards crime and criminals, populist posturing by politicians, and more repressive penal policies. Some years ago, sociologist David Garland, a leading scholar of this subject, described increasingly repressive strategies of crime control in contemporary Britain, Australia, and the United States, ‘and elsewhere, too'. Some years later Hans-Jörg Albrecht called Garland to task for that ‘and elsewhere, too,’ noting that what happens in English-speaking countries does not inexorably happen elsewhere and that penal policies in many Western countries were not becoming more repressive or more politicised in parallel with American and British developments.


2020 ◽  
Vol 30 (1-4) ◽  
pp. 56-71
Author(s):  
Nienke van der Have

The initiative for a European Union (EU) human rights sanctions regime that targets individual human rights offenders builds upon an interesting trend set by the United States’ Magnitsky Act. It has the potential to contribute to the development of international law and allow states and the EU to take on a more progressive attitude in relation to gross human rights violations committed worldwide. As an EU-wide initiative, it also has the opportunity to break with the muddled past and set a positive example. To do so, there are several important factors to consider related to the conceptual aim of the regime, its demarcation and potential effectiveness in practice.


EDIS ◽  
2019 ◽  
Vol 2006 (2) ◽  
Author(s):  
Andrew Schmitz ◽  
Troy G. Schmitz ◽  
James L. Seale, Jr.

The Central American Free Trade Agreement (CAFTA) is a trade agreement between the United States and Costa Rica, El Salvador, Guatemala, Honduras, Nicaragua, and the Dominican Republic. The agreement was put into law in 2005. Under the agreement the Dominican Republic will eliminate their sugar tariffs over a 15-year period. The United States will establish additional tariff rate quotas (TRQs) for the CAFTA countries beginning with an additional 107,000 metric tons in the first year. The quota amount increases to 151,140 metric tons by the end of the 15-year period. The United States is allowed to compensate exporters in an effort to limit sugar imports for stock management purposes. How large of an impact will CAFTA have on U.S. sugar producers? This document is FE578, one of a series of the Food and Resource Economics Department, UF/IFAS Extension. Original publication date January 2006.


2019 ◽  
Vol 11 (1) ◽  
pp. 87-103
Author(s):  
Juan Pablo Bolio Ortiz ◽  
Héctor Joaquin Bolio Ortiz ◽  
Kiry Rebeca Vences Solis

El presente artículo presenta la situación de los migrantes centroamericanos hacia México y los Estados Unidos. El estudio se centra en el caso de la frontera Petén- Tabasco, bajo la perspectiva de los Derechos Humanos y a través del trabajo de campo, se constata la situación de vulnerabilidad en la que se encuentran los migrantes, quienes con el sueño de mejorar su situación económica terminan pasando por diversos obstáculos en su recorrido.Palabras clave: Migración, Centroamérica, derechosAbstractThis article presents the situation of Central American migrants to Mexico and the United States. We focus on the case of the Petén-Tabasco border, from the perspective of Human Rights and through fieldwork, we can see the situation of vulnerability in which migrants find themselves, who with the dream of improving their economic situation end up passing for various obstacles in its journey.Keywords: migration, Central América, rightsResumoEste artigo apresenta a situação dos migrantes da América Central para o México e os Estados Unidos. Focamos no caso da fronteira Petén-Tabasco, na perspectiva dos Direitos Humanos e através do trabalho de campo, podemos ver a situação de vulnerabilidade em que os migrantes se encontram, que com o sonho de melhorar sua situação econômica acabam passando por vários obstáculos em sua jornada.Palavras-chave: Migração, América Central, direitos


1996 ◽  
pp. 72
Author(s):  
Editorial board Of the Journal

PROPOSALS TO THE UNITED STATES MEMBERS OF THE UNIVERSAL WORKSHOP IN THE YEAR 1984 UNDER THE UNDER THE HUMAN RIGHTS CENTER


1950 ◽  
Vol 4 (4) ◽  
pp. 681-682

Tariff negotiations were to commence September 28 at Torquay, England between the contracting parties of GATT. In August the United States announced its intention to negotiate with Cuba at the September meeting in addition to the 23 previously named countries (Australia, Austria, Belgium, Brazil, Canada, Denmark, the Dominican Republic, France, the Federal Republic of Germany, Guatemala, India, Indonesia, Italy, Korea, Luxembourg, the Netherlands, New Zealand, Norway, Peru, Sweden, Turkey, Union of South Africa and the United Kingdom). It was announced that Nicaragua had become the first Central American republic to approve GATT.


Author(s):  
Noel Maurer

This chapter talks about how the United States could cajole and threaten foreign governments into protecting American property. It proved less capable, however, of fixing the problems that led to instability, default, and expropriation. The chapter recounts the failures of the early fiscal receiverships. The Dominican Republic fell back into civil war by 1912. In fact, the Dominican state entirely collapsed in 1916, forcing a full-scale American occupation to reestablish a modicum of order. Anti-imperialist Woodrow Wilson wound up presiding over a deepening of America's informal empire. His anti-interventionist administration continued the policies of Theodore Roosevelt and William Howard Taft. Wilson abhorred the notion that might makes right; respect for human rights and national integrity, not commercial or financial interests, should determine a nation's foreign policy.


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