International Law and the New States of Africa. By Yilma Makonnen. Published with the assistance of UNESCO under the Regional Participation Programme for Africa, Addis Abeba, 1983. Pp. xxvi, 575. Index. Distributed by UNIPUB.

1986 ◽  
Vol 80 (1) ◽  
pp. 242-246
Author(s):  
Keith Highet
Keyword(s):  
2006 ◽  
Vol 58 (3) ◽  
pp. 272-293 ◽  
Author(s):  
Dusko Dimitrijevic

In this study the author attaches a great importance to the theoretical examination of the concept of the New International Legal Order that was embodied in the last decades of the 20th century. The starting point for that reflection is the dissolution of the SFR Yugoslavia that illustrates one of the fundamental legal precedents. Reminding that the basic principle for the post-modern State behavior must be the one that includes minimal disturbance of the existing international legal relations, the author stresses that "the Yugoslav case" was customized in the way to respond to the new reality where the principle of effectiveness played an essential role in valuation of the statehood. It could also be one of the greatest catalysts for all further 'development rules' of international law.


1974 ◽  
Vol 3 (3) ◽  
pp. 226-233
Author(s):  
Charles Alexandrowicz
Keyword(s):  

Author(s):  
Carlos COELLO MARTÍN ◽  
Fernando GONZÁLEZ BOTIJA

LABURPENA: Gobernu britainiarrak azterketa bat argitaratu du Eskozia burujabe batek ekarriko lituzkeen ondorioei buruz. Dokumentu horri erantsita doa bi irakasleren azterketa (James Crawford eta Alan Boyle, Edinburgoko Unibertsitatekoak), Eskoziaren burujabetza-erreferendumari buruzko alderdi juridikoak jorratuz. Bertan ondorioztatzen denez, Eskozia burujabe egiten bada, estatu berritzat hartuko da nazioarteko Zuzenbidearen ikuspegitik, eta gainerako estatuak oraingo Erresuma Batua ordeztuko luke, bere erakundeei eutsiz, eta bi estatu berri agertzearen ideia baztertuz. Horregatik, gainerako Erresuma Batuak orain kide den nazioarteko erakundeen kide izaten jarraituko luke, eta Eskoziak bere atxikipena eskatu beharko luke estatu berri gisa. Hala gertatuko litzateke, adibidez, Europar Batasunarekin. RESUMEN: El Gobierno britanico ha publicado un documento de analisis sobre las implicaciones que conllevaria una Escocia independiente. Como anexo a dicho documento se encuentra el estudio de dos profesores (James Crawford y Alan Boyle de la Universidad de Edimburgo) que analizan los aspectos juridicos del referendum sobre la independencia de Escocia. En ese estudio se concluye que si Escocia llega a ser independiente, se considerara como un nuevo Estado desde el punto de vista del Derecho internacional y el resto del actual Estado sucedera al actual Reino Unido, conservando sus instituciones, rechazandose la idea de que aparezcan dos nuevos Estados. Por ello el resto del Reino Unido continuaria como miembro de las organizaciones internacionales de las que es actualmente miembro, mientras que Escocia tendria que solicitar su adhesion como un nuevo Estado. Este seria el caso de la Union Europea. ABSTRACT: The British Government has published a major analysis paper on the implications of Scottish independence: ≪Scotland Analysis: Devolution and the Implications of Scottish Independence≫. The paper annexes an Opinion written by Professor James Crawford along with Professor Alan Boyle of the University of Edinburgh, entitled ‘Opinion: Referendum on the Independence of Scotland – International Law Aspects’. The Opinion concludes that if Scotland becomes independent, it will be considered a new state as a matter of international law and the remainder of the UK will continue the legal identity of the UK and retain its existing institutions generally uninterrupted. It rejects the alternative possibility that Scotland and the remainder of the UK will both be considered new states. The Opinion also concludes that one consequence of this is that the remainder of the UK will continue its membership of international organisations, whereas Scotland will have to join many of them as a new state. In particular, Scotland will have to join the EU as a new member state.


Author(s):  
Prabhakar Singh

Professor RP Anand analysed the birth of new states and their theoretical and functional inclusion in the post-UN world. The 1947 Indian independence afforded Indian lawyers a choice between Nehruvian internationalism and Judge Pal’s Tokyo dissent. Essentially, Anand preferred state interest over cultural differences as the currency of international law while celebrating the UN Charter, the International Court of Justice, and the UN Convention of the Law of Sea as the achievements of the mankind. Anand saw the rejection of international law as synonymous with power politics. While optimistic, his universalism engendered a Western anti-thesis that an Asian approach to international law, if any, was otiose. Subsequently, post-colonial scholars responded with a synthesis that brought colonialism from periphery to the centre of international legal theory.


Author(s):  
C. H. Alexandrowicz

This chapter examines some of the legal problems resulting from the entry of the ‘new’ states (mainly the Afro–Asian countries) into the family of nations. The orthodox view is that such states have no choice as to the law which shall apply to them since they are born into the existing international order and must accept its tenets. However, the practice of the ‘new’ states does not supply sufficient evidence of such a fait accompli. There are legal rules that they tend to reject as well as rules they wish to have included. Among the existing principles that ‘new’ states refuse to accept or that they accepted with far-reaching reservations are the legal principles relating to economic relations. Other branches of international law that are under revisionist pressure from the ‘new’ states are the law of state succession and the law of the sea.


Author(s):  
C. H. Alexandrowicz

The historian of international law attempting an inquiry into the law of recognition of States and governments during its formative stage, particularly into eighteenth-century sources, is bound to consult the first historical survey of the literature of the law of nations by D. H. L. Ompteda, published in 1785. Ompteda referred to problems of recognition under the general heading of the fundamental right of nations to freedom and independence. All the essays he mentioned as being directly or indirectly relevant to problems of recognition of new States or rulers were written by comparatively unknown authors. Among them, Justi and Steck were perhaps the most active participants in the first attempts to formulate a theory of recognition. This chapter considers these early attempts, in particular the direct influence of Justi and Steck on Martens and Klueber, and through them on Henry Wheaton and some of the early nineteenth-century writers.


2013 ◽  
Vol 5 (1) ◽  
pp. 94-107 ◽  
Author(s):  
Hans Agné ◽  
Jens Bartelson ◽  
Eva Erman ◽  
Thomas Lindemann ◽  
Benjamin Herborth ◽  
...  

Recognition plays a multifaceted role in international theory. In rarely communicating literatures, the term is invoked to explain creation of new states and international structures; policy choices by state and non-state actors; and normative justifiability, or lack thereof, of foreign and international politics. The purpose of this symposium is to open new possibilities for imagining and studying recognition in international politics by drawing together different strands of research in this area. More specifically, the forum brings new attention to controversies on the creation of states, which has traditionally been a preserve for discussion in International Law, by invoking social theories of recognition that have developed as part of International Relations more recently. It is suggested that broadening imagination across legal and social approaches to recognition provides the resources needed for theories with this object to be of maximal relevance to political practice.


2018 ◽  
Vol 2 (1) ◽  
pp. 69 ◽  
Author(s):  
Hamed Hasyemi Saugheh ◽  
Rohaida Nordin

Recognition of new Stets and governments is a political act with legal reverberations. Although the recognition of new States and governments is a traditional concept of international law but the challenging recognition of the transitional government of Libya proved that this traditional concept still can be highly exigent. Traditionally, the States in providing recognition to a new government follow their own benefits and privileges and rarely consider the structure, capacity and public support for the new government. If the rule of law and respecting democracy is going to be means of promoting peace and security is various areas of the world, is not it time to redefine the traditional concepts of international law (included of recognition of new States and government) from a new perspective? Considering the fact that, the existence of a legitimate authority in a group enhances the effective functioning of that group and reduces the internal conflicts, it seems that it is time to expand the political concept of legitimacy of the authorities into the international law. Is there any State practice to support the argument? In this article, the existence of norm creating forces and role of legitimacy in the recognition of the Libyan Transitional Government is going to be analysed. The After studying the role of legitimacy of the Libyan NTC in passing the sovereignty from the past regime to the new government by the international community, the effect of lack of legitimacy on the previous regime will be examined and the question of withdrawing of recognition of governments will be addressed.


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