Reminiscences of the Bering Sea Arbitration

1943 ◽  
Vol 37 (4) ◽  
pp. 562-584 ◽  
Author(s):  
William Williams
Keyword(s):  
United States ◽  
Great Britain ◽  
Bering Sea ◽  
The United States ◽  
The Other ◽  
Great Effort ◽  
Good Case ◽  
Fur Seals ◽  
Keen Observer ◽  
The Bering Sea

On February 29, 1892, a treaty was celebrated between the United States and Great Britain providing for the submission to arbitration of the issues which had arisen between those countries respecting the preservation of the valuable herd of fur seals of the Pribilof Islands in Bering Sea. These issues had come to a head in 1886 under President Cleveland, had remained very active throughout the whole of the succeeding administration of President Harrison and had lasted into the second administration of President Cleveland. During part of this period the feelings of the two governments ran high while the issues held the attention of the thinking public. Today, however, they have been largely forgotten and it would not have occurred to me to revive them during these stirring times had not my friend Mr. Frederic R. Coudert, who accompanied his distinguished father to Paris in 1893 as a youthful but very keen observer, requested that as the sole surviving member of the American delegation I review the salient features of this great effort to compose international controversies by reason rather than by a resort to arms. In complying with this request I shall at the same time seek to correct an impression held by many that the United States had a poor case, whereas in respect of one of the two principal issues, namely that of its ownership in the seals, it had a very good case, and in respect of the other, namely the regulations necessary for their preservation should ownership be denied by the tribunal, it had an unanswerable case on which it won what our opponents considered at the time to be a substantial victory though it turned out to be an inadequate one. The position of the United States on this second issue was fully vindicated several years after the arbitration.

The International Joint Commission between The United States and Canada

1928 ◽  
Vol 22 (2) ◽  
pp. 292-318 ◽  
Author(s):  
Robert A. MacKay
Keyword(s):  
United States ◽  
Great Britain ◽  
The United States ◽  
Joint Commission ◽  
The Other ◽  
International Joint Commission ◽  
International Joint

The preamble of the Boundary Waters Treaty of 1909 between Great Britain (on behalf of Canada) and the United States declares its purpose to be: To prevent disputes regarding the use of boundary waters and to settle all questions which are now pending between the United States and the Dominion of Canada involving the rights, obligations, or interests of either in relation to the other or to the inhabitantsof the other, along their common frontier, and to make provision for the adjustment and settlement of all such questions as may hereafter arise.

Some Trends in the International Civil Service

1959 ◽  
Vol 13 (4) ◽  
pp. 520-537
Author(s):  
Peter Lengyel
Keyword(s):  
United States ◽  
Great Britain ◽  
Personal Experience ◽  
Civil Service ◽  
The United States ◽  
The Other ◽  
Self Determination ◽  
The Way

Much has been written about the international civil service. The more serious literature is often produced by those who have had at least a limited personal experience within one or the other of the Secretariats, and some of it is by veterans of many years’ standing. Other writings range all the way from popular attempts to bring home to the wider public the spirit and objectives of this relatively new profession to the kind of running, petty vendettas pursued by certain factions, such as the Beaver brook press in Great Britain and isolationist or xenophobic elements in the United States, France, and elsewhere, against what they conceive to be the thin end of a subversive wedge which will eventually sunder national sovereignties and the freedom of an already largely illusory power of self determination.

The Cross-National Validity of Party Identification: Great Britain and the United States Compared

1981 ◽  
Vol 29 (3) ◽  
pp. 365-375 ◽  
Author(s):  
A. Mughan
Keyword(s):  
United States ◽  
Great Britain ◽  
Party Identification ◽  
Party Systems ◽  
The United States ◽  
The Other ◽  
Social Divisions ◽  
Party Support ◽  
Cleavage Structure ◽  
Cross National

The question of party identification's cross-national validity revolves around the issue of whether or not it can be meaningfully distinguished from immediate voting preference in European national contexts. Comparing this relationship in the American and British party systems, however, this article demonstrates that the two forms of party support are behaviourally similar not in the case of national contexts, but of parties that are linked to the host society's cleavage structure. Moreover, it suggests that their behavioural similarity in the case of this type of party is a function of the ideological distance separating one from the other rather than of the two forms of party support tapping the same dimension of party loyalty. But, whatever the reason for the similarity, the conclusion cannot be avoided that party identification cannot serve the same range of powerful theoretical functions in Europe that it does in the United States because the former's party systems all reflect one or more long-standing, sometimes bitter, social divisions in the electorate.

Greece's Experiment with Proportional Representation

1927 ◽  
Vol 21 (1) ◽  
pp. 123-127 ◽  
Author(s):  
Adamantios Th. Polyzoides
Keyword(s):  
United States ◽  
Public Opinion ◽  
Great Britain ◽  
Party System ◽  
The United States ◽  
Proportional Representation ◽  
General Election ◽  
The Other ◽  
The Press ◽  
The Military

On November 7 Greece held its first general election under the system of proportional representation, using a modified form of the Belgian system. This innovation was imposed on the country despite the most strenuous opposition by all of the old parties, the majority of the press, and the bulk of public opinion, and its adoption was a clear victory of the minority parties, assisted by the Military League and the then dictator General Kondylis.The arguments of the established parties in favor of the old plurality system ran on lines too familiar to require extensive statement here. The former system, according to its supporters, usually assures the election of large majorities, one way or the other, and enables Parliament to give the country what we call a strong government, such as Greece needed at the time of the election. Great Britain and the United States were offered as the outstanding examples of the efficiency of the two-party system, which is best served by the old-fashioned electoral method of absolute plurality. Naturally enough, Belgium was cited as the worst exponent of the evils of proportional representation.

America: Democracy Native and Imported

2017 ◽  
Author(s):  
R. R. Palmer
Keyword(s):  
United States ◽  
Great Britain ◽  
French Revolution ◽  
The United States ◽  
The Other ◽  
Indigenous Movements ◽  
The One ◽  
The Impact ◽  
The French Revolution ◽  
The Revolution

This chapter first discusses the impact of the French Revolution on the United States. The development was twofold. On the one hand, there was an acceleration of indigenous movements. On the other, there was an influence that was unquestionably foreign. The latter presented itself especially with the war that began in Europe in 1792, and with the clash of armed ideologies that the war brought with it. The warring powers in Europe, which for Americans meant the governments of France and Great Britain, attempted to make use of the United States for their own advantage. Different groups of Americans, for their own domestic purposes, were likewise eager to exploit the power and prestige of either England or France. The chapter then turns to the impact of the Revolution on the “other” Americas.

The Teaching of English in German High Schools

PMLA ◽  
1956 ◽  
Vol 71 (2) ◽  
pp. 21-30
Author(s):  
Willi Koelle
Keyword(s):  
United States ◽  
School Teacher ◽  
High School Teacher ◽  
The United States ◽  
The Other ◽  
School Buildings ◽  
Great Effort ◽  
Federal Republic Of Germany ◽  
Reading Materials ◽  
Post War

German schools are gradually outgrowing the stage of chaos into which they had been plunged by the war. In a great effort the worst difficulties of the post-war period have been overcome, but conditions cannot yet be called normal. Classes still comprise 40 pupils and more. Although many schools have been rebuilt or newly built since the war, the bigger towns, which were nearly all heavily bombed, are still so short of accommodation that most school buildings have to be used in double shifts, i.e., two schools share one building, one school going in the morning, the other in the afternoon. The teaching load of a high school teacher is 25 periods (of 45 minutes each) a week. But in some respects peacetime conditions are gradually returning. Thus, the production of textbooks is approaching a satisfactory stage. There are two or three dozen different English courses for schools on the market, and a very large number of English and American texts in school-editions (with annotations). A catalogue published in the summer of 1955 enumerates 532 such editions printed in the Federal Republic of Germany, and there is nothing to prevent German schools from buying reading materials from Britain or the United States. A number of the German Länder have introduced a system by which all schoolbooks are provided free of charge.

EGYPT'S OTHER NATIONALISTS AND THE SUEZ CRISIS OF 1956

2016 ◽  
Vol 59 (1) ◽  
pp. 253-285 ◽  
Author(s):  
BARNABY CROWCROFT
Keyword(s):  
United States ◽  
Great Britain ◽  
The United States ◽  
The Other ◽  
Political Opposition ◽  
International Crisis ◽  
Suez Crisis ◽  
Political Struggles ◽  
The 1950S ◽  
British Planning

ABSTRACTThe Egyptian experience of the Suez crisis and subsequent conflict of 1956 has received significantly less treatment than those of the other major players, Great Britain, France, Israel, and the United States. The consensus over Egypt's role in the crisis has, moreover, has advanced very little from the narrative put forward by official participants at the time, portraying the event as a landmark in a nationalist struggle to restore Egypt's independence and national dignity. This article takes a fresh look at the Suez crisis from the perspective of the figures of an emergent Egyptian political opposition in 1955–6, whose responses differed substantially from this received view. By bringing domestic Egyptian political struggles to the foreground of this international crisis, the article will offer a more nuanced view of the origins of Suez in British planning, and of its significance for contemporary Egyptians. The conclusion will seek to explain how a collection of sometimes extreme nationalists could take such a counter-intuitive position in the Suez crisis through exploring the diversity of nationalist thought in the Egypt of the 1950s.

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