Arbitral Tribunal Instituted by the Reparation Commission and the Government of the United States to Decide the Claim of the Standard Oil Company to Certain Tankers

1928 ◽  
Vol 22 (2) ◽  
pp. 404-421
Author(s):  
Jacques Lyon
2018 ◽  
Vol 1 (1) ◽  
Author(s):  
Agus Setiawan

This paper describes the beginning of the oil rivalry in the Dutch Indies. It begins with an overview of the political and economic relationship between the United States, The Netherlands and the Dutch Indies since the mid-19th century, namely the period when the oil industries in the United States and the Dutch Indies were still at an early stage of development. Since the independence of the United States of America, the two countries had very good relations which were evident from their various co-operations, including the Treaty of Alliance which was ratified in 1782. However, the Dutch colonial government’s policies which sought to restrict the American oil companies’ investment in the Dutch Indies caused discontent amongst the American government and American oil companies, straining their relationship with the Dutch Indies.


1941 ◽  
Vol 35 (4) ◽  
pp. 684-736 ◽  

Claim of the United States for amount of moneys expended in the investigation, preparationand proof of its case denied as they were in the nature of expenses of the presentation of thecase, which, according to the Arbitration Convention, are to be paid by each government;nor are such costs claimable under the heading of damages. When a state espouses a private claim on behalf of one o f its nationals, expenses whichthe latter may have incurred in establishing orprosecuting his claim prior to espousal by thegovernment may, under appropriate conditions,be legitimately included in the claim, but the Tribunal knew of no case in which a government has sought or been allowed indemnity for expenses incurred in preparing the proof or presenting a national or private claim before an international tribunal.In the absence of international cases on the subject, there are certain decisions of the Supreme Court of the United States dealing with both air pollution and water pollution which may legitimately be taken as a guide in this field of international law where no contrary rule prevails in international law ana no reason for rejecting such precedents can be induced from the limitation of sovereignty inherent in the Constitution o f the United States.The Tribunal finds that under the principles of international law, as well as the law of the United States, no state has the right to use or permit the use of its territory in such a manner as to cause injury by fumes in or to the territory of another or the properties or persons therein,'whe the case is of serious consequence and theinjury is established by clear and convincing evidence.The Tribunal therefore holds that the Dominion o f Canada is responsible in international law for the conductofthe Trail Smelter and that it is the duty o f the Government of the Dominion of Canada to see to it that this conduct is in conformity with the obligation of the Dominion under international law as herein determined.No damage has occurred since the previous award o f the Tribunal (this JUURNAL, Vol. 33,1939, p. 182).The Trail Smelter shall be required to refrain in the future from causing any damage through fumes in the State of Washington. To avoid such damage the operations of the Smelter shall be subject to a regime or measure of control as provided in the present decision. Should such damage occur, indemnity to the United States shall be fixed in such manner as the Governments acting under the convention may agree upon.


2019 ◽  
Vol 35 (2) ◽  
pp. 255-281
Author(s):  
Sylvia Dümmer Scheel

El artículo analiza la diplomacia pública del gobierno de Lázaro Cárdenas centrándose en su opción por publicitar la pobreza nacional en el extranjero, especialmente en Estados Unidos. Se plantea que se trató de una estrategia inédita, que accedió a poner en riesgo el “prestigio nacional” con el fin de justificar ante la opinión pública estadounidense la necesidad de implementar las reformas contenidas en el Plan Sexenal. Aprovechando la inusual empatía hacia los pobres en tiempos del New Deal, se construyó una imagen específica de pobreza que fuera higiénica y redimible. Ésta, sin embargo, no generó consenso entre los mexicanos. This article analyzes the public diplomacy of the government of Lázaro Cárdenas, focusing on the administration’s decision to publicize the nation’s poverty internationally, especially in the United States. This study suggests that this was an unprecedented strategy, putting “national prestige” at risk in order to explain the importance of implementing the reforms contained in the Six Year Plan, in the face of public opinion in the United States. Taking advantage of the increased empathy felt towards the poor during the New Deal, a specific image of hygienic and redeemable poverty was constructed. However, this strategy did not generate agreement among Mexicans.


Author(s):  
D.S. Yurochkin ◽  
◽  
A.A. Leshkevich ◽  
Z.M. Golant ◽  
I.A. NarkevichSaint ◽  
...  

The article presents the results of a comparison of the Orphan Drugs Register approved for use in the United States and the 2020 Vital and Essential Drugs List approved on October 12, 2019 by Order of the Government of the Russian Federation No. 2406-r. The comparison identified 305 international non-proprietary names relating to the main and/or auxiliary therapy for rare diseases. The analysis of the market of drugs included in the Vital and Essential Drugs List, which can be used to treat rare (orphan) diseases in Russia was conducted.


Author(s):  
Michael C. Dorf ◽  
Michael S. Chu

Lawyers played a key role in challenging the Trump administration’s Travel Ban on entry into the United States of nationals from various majority-Muslim nations. Responding to calls from nongovernmental organizations (NGOs), which were amplified by social media, lawyers responded to the Travel Ban’s chaotic rollout by providing assistance to foreign travelers at airports. Their efforts led to initial court victories, which in turn led the government to soften the Ban somewhat in two superseding executive actions. The lawyers’ work also contributed to the broader resistance to the Trump administration by dramatizing its bigotry, callousness, cruelty, and lawlessness. The efficacy of the lawyers’ resistance to the Travel Ban shows that, contrary to strong claims about the limits of court action, litigation can promote social change. General lessons about lawyer activism in ordinary times are difficult to draw, however, because of the extraordinary threat Trump poses to civil rights and the rule of law.


2021 ◽  
pp. 089124162110218
Author(s):  
John R. Parsons

Every year, hundreds of U.S. citizens patrol the Mexican border dressed in camouflage and armed with pistols and assault rifles. Unsanctioned by the government, these militias aim to stop the movement of narcotics into the United States. Recent interest in the anthropology of ethics has focused on how individuals cultivate themselves toward a notion of the ethical. In contrast, within the militias, ethical self-cultivation was absent. I argue the volunteers derived the power to be ethical from the control of the dominant moral assemblage and the construction of an immoral “Other” which provided them the power to define a moral landscape that limited the potential for ethical conflicts. In the article, I discuss two instances Border Watch and its volunteers dismissed disruptions to their moral certainty and confirmed to themselves that their actions were not only the “right” thing to do, but the only ethical response available.


1991 ◽  
Vol 112 ◽  
pp. 174-175
Author(s):  
R. Marcus Price

ABSTRACTIn the United States, civil common carrier telecommunications are provided by private companies, not by any agency of the government. Regulation of these services and spectrum management oversight is provided by the Federal Communications Commission (FCC), an agency of the government. Government telecommunications are operated by individual agencies, e.g. the Department of Defense, under the overall regulation of the Office of Spectrum Management of the National Telecommunications and Information Administration (NTIA), a government body separate from the FCC. In bands shared by the civil and government sectors, liaison and coordination is effected between the FCC and the NTIA.


2020 ◽  
Vol 5 ◽  
Author(s):  
Marta N. Lukacovic

This study analyzes securitized discourses and counter narratives that surround the COVID-19 pandemic. Controversial cases of security related political communication, salient media enunciations, and social media reframing are explored through the theoretical lenses of securitization and cascading activation of framing in the contexts of Slovakia, Russia, and the United States. The first research question explores whether and how the frame element of moral evaluation factors into the conversations on the securitization of the pandemic. The analysis tracks the framing process through elite, media, and public levels of communication. The second research question focused on fairly controversial actors— “rogue actors” —such as individuals linked to far-leaning political factions or militias. The proliferation of digital media provides various actors with opportunities to join publicly visible conversations. The analysis demonstrates that the widely differing national contexts offer different trends and degrees in securitization of the pandemic during spring and summer of 2020. The studied rogue actors usually have something to say about the pandemic, and frequently make some reframing attempts based on idiosyncratic evaluations of how normatively appropriate is their government's “war” on COVID-19. In Slovakia, the rogue elite actors at first failed to have an impact but eventually managed to partially contest the dominant frame. Powerful Russian media influencers enjoy some conspiracy theories but prudently avoid direct challenges to the government's frame, and so far only marginal rogue actors openly advance dissenting frames. The polarized political and media environment in the US has shown to create a particularly fertile ground for rogue grassroots movements that utilize online platforms and social media, at times going as far as encouragement of violent acts to oppose the government and its pandemic response policy.


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