Age at Marriage and Marital Fertility

1949 ◽  
Vol 2 (4) ◽  
pp. 413 ◽  
Author(s):  
Colin Clark
2001 ◽  
Vol 28 (1) ◽  
pp. 1 ◽  
Author(s):  
Jesús J. Sánchez-Barricarte

In this paper, a critical analysis is made of some of the indices used in numerous historical studies on the decline of fertility. More concretely, it is demonstrated how the Total Marital Fertility Rate (TMFR) and the Ig and I’g indices of marital fertility designed by Coale (1986) not only are not good indicators of a population’s level of marital fertility, but also in some cases (for example, when there is an important delay in female mean age at marriage) can even indicate an increase in marital fertility when in reality it is decreasing. Likewise, a new index for measuring marital fertility (known as the Navarre Index) is presented which takes into account women’s average age at marriage as well as their mortality rate during their reproductive period.


2009 ◽  
Vol 41 (5) ◽  
pp. 697-701 ◽  
Author(s):  
MARTIN GÖGELE ◽  
CRISTIAN PATTARO ◽  
CHRISTIAN FUCHSBERGER ◽  
PETER PAUL PRAMSTALLER

SummaryStelvio, Martello and Curon, three villages of the Venosta Valley, South Tyrol (Italy), were recently included in a large genetic survey because of their isolation. This study focuses on the long-term reproductive behaviour of these villages. Family size, age at marriage and marital fertility were estimated based on a genealogy going back in the 17th century. Marriage behaviour was characterized by an elevated age at marriage and a large proportion of adults never getting married. Marital fertility was among the highest worldwide, because couples tried to use the short time at their disposal to have the largest possible number of children. Together with the already known null population expansion and high geographic endogamy rates, the reduced number of siblings who had the opportunity to get married could have favoured an increased genetic homogeneity.


1986 ◽  
Vol 25 (4) ◽  
pp. 535-552 ◽  
Author(s):  
Zeba A. Sathar ◽  
M. Framurz K. Kiani

Delayed marriages played a very important role in slowing down population growth during the European Demographic Transition. Similarly, some developing countries have recently undergone even more rapid changes in marriage patterns, leading to declining levels of fertility. Curtailing marriage or entry into sexual unions is one of the "positive" checks posited by Malthusian theory and is worthy of some renewed attention because of the lack of decline in marital fertility in Pakistan. Several researchers have identified changes in nuptiality behaviour in Pakistan, in terms of a rise in both the average age at marriage [8; 11; 12] and changes in cohort nuptiality [7]. One researcher observed a slight decline in fertility and attributed it to a rise in the age at marriage in the late Seventies [1], but his observation was found to be an artefact of data and was, therefore, refuted (18] . Thus, nuptiality behaviour has been noted to have changed in Pakistan since the Fifties with no notable accompanying changes in marital fertility. This paper's primary objective is to explore the impact of modernization, particularly of expansion of education and modern sector employment, urbanization and migration, on proportions never married in various age groups.


1993 ◽  
Vol 25 (4) ◽  
pp. 483-498 ◽  
Author(s):  
Uche C. Isiugo-Abanihe ◽  
J. Akin Ebigbola ◽  
A. A. Adewuyi

SummaryThis study indicates that urban marital patterns in nine Nigerian cities influence fertility. Fertility is also influenced by age at marriage, region of residence, ethnicity and religion; education and employment lead to marriage delay and tend to conflict with childbearing by enhancing the status of women.


Demography ◽  
1982 ◽  
Vol 19 (3) ◽  
pp. 335 ◽  
Author(s):  
Geraldine P. Mineau ◽  
James Trussell

1988 ◽  
Vol 27 (4II) ◽  
pp. 655-657
Author(s):  
M. Framurz Khan Kiani ◽  
Samina Nazli

In recent years the study of birth spacing has emerged as an area of demographic interest. This is because of its close linkage with the timing and tempo of fertility relative to other measures. At the same time, marital fertility in Pakistan and the duration of breastfeeding have shown a decline (Khan 1985). Thus, the study of birth spacing becomes an important area for examining changes in the components of fertility. The paper's major objectives are to study: (I) Changes in spacing between births if any. (2) Differentials in birth spacing by residence in major 'urban', 'other urban’ and 'rural' areas to see if there is a gradation in birth spacing by levels of urbanization. (3) And differentials in birth spacing by age at marriage, urbanization, education, work pattern and contraceptive use.


2018 ◽  
Vol 49 (2) ◽  
pp. 279-303 ◽  
Author(s):  
Grażyna Liczbińska ◽  
Ewa Syska ◽  
Renata Koziarska-Kasperczyk ◽  
Anna Kledzik

Research in the obscure domicile files of Poznań’s Municipal Records reveals that in late nineteenth- and early twentieth-century Poznań, fertility was determined by the interaction of many socioeconomic factors. Mothers’ birth cohort and husbands’ socioeconomic status proved to be the strongest factors significantly influencing women’s age at matrimony, their age at first birth, and their number of children. Women born before 1890 married and started giving birth to the first child later than those born after 1890. The wives of workers and craftsmen started reproduction earlier and had more children than those of white-collar professionals. Religion did not influence women’s age at marriage and age at first birth, but it did influence their number of children.


1949 ◽  
Vol 2 (4) ◽  
pp. 413-426 ◽  
Author(s):  
Colin Clark

1999 ◽  
Vol 31 (2) ◽  
pp. 167-193 ◽  
Author(s):  
E. J. CLEGG

A study has been made of the probabilities of marriage of females and males aged 15–49 (either as a whole or in 5-year age groups) in two Outer Hebridean islands, Harris and Barra. The results were compared with ages of marriage and with the frequencies of permanent celibacy. The marriages took place between 1861 and 1990.Median ages of marriage rose to maxima in the 1930s and 1940s, then fell steeply, levelling out latterly. Permanent celibacy was consistently high among females, but rose from much lower levels in males to maxima in the 1970s and 1980s. It is concluded that in these populations age at marriage and the extent of permanent celibacy are largely independent of one another.In both islands the overall probabilities of females marrying fell until the 1920s, and then rose. The last decades showed stability (Barra) and a fall (Harris). Males showed only slight falls to about 1910; data were absent for between 1911 and 1960, but subsequently there was little rise in probability.These overall changes seemed to be associated with reciprocal variations in probabilities in the younger and older age groups. Declining overall probabilities were associated with declines in younger and increases in older age-group probabilities, and vice versa.Non-parametric correlations between median ages of marriage and probability of marriage were negative and generally significant for the 15–19 age group. Among the older age groups coefficients were generally positive.There was some evidence of an association between probability of marriage and sex ratio in any group of potential mates. The effect appeared more marked among 15- to 19-year-old females.Local factors which might explain at least part of the decline in nuptiality for the greater part of the period under study include the decline in the fishing industry and the ‘land hunger’ which existed until the late 1920s. This decline is interpreted as a ‘Malthusian’ response to economic and social conditions, but it coexisted with a ‘neo-Malthusian’ strategy, in the shape of declining marital fertility. The ‘Malthusian’strategy seems to have been largely abandoned around the 1950s, but it may have reappeared during the 1980s.


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