National Security and the U.S. Constitution: The Impact of the Political System.

1989 ◽  
Vol 104 (2) ◽  
pp. 350
Author(s):  
Robert J. Art ◽  
George C. Edwards III ◽  
Wallace Earl Walker
Keyword(s):  
National Security ◽  
Political System ◽  
The Political ◽  
The Impact ◽  
The U.S

Referendum konstytucyjne we Włoszech. Jak głosowanie ludowe wpływa na system polityczny państwa?

2017 ◽  
pp. 110-127 ◽  
Author(s):  
Elżbieta Kużelewska
Keyword(s):  
Political System ◽  
Public Support ◽  
The Political ◽  
The Government ◽  
The Impact

This article analyses the impact of constitutional referendums on the political system in Italy. There were three constitutional referendums conducted in 2001, 2006 and 2016. All of them have been organised by the ruling parties, however, only the first one was successful. In the subsequent referendums, the proposals for amending the constitution have been rejected by voters. The article finds that lack of public support for the government resulted in voting „no” in the referendum.

Back to the Westminster model? The Brexit process and the UK political system

2021 ◽  
pp. 019251212096737
Author(s):  
Gianfranco Baldini ◽  
Edoardo Bressanelli ◽  
Emanuele Massetti
Keyword(s):  
Political System ◽  
Party System ◽  
Political Process ◽  
Three Dimensions ◽  
Executive Power ◽  
The Political ◽  
Westminster Model ◽  
The Uk ◽  
Quantitative Indicators ◽  
The Impact

This article investigates the impact of Brexit on the British political system. By critically engaging with the conceptualisation of the Westminster model proposed by Arend Lijphart, it analyses the strains of Brexit on three dimensions developed from from Lijphart’s framework: elections and the party system, executive– legislative dynamics and the relationship between central and devolved administrations. Supplementing quantitative indicators with an in-depth qualitative analysis, the article shows that the process of Brexit has ultimately reaffirmed, with some important caveats, key features of the Westminster model: the resilience of the two-party system, executive dominance over Parliament and the unitary character of the political system. Inheriting a context marked by the progressive weakening of key majoritarian features of the political system, the Brexit process has brought back some of the traditional executive power-hoarding dynamics. Yet, this prevailing trend has created strains and resistances that keep the political process open to different developments.

scholarly journals Le Conseil national de sécurité et la politique sud-africaine des États-Unis de 1969 à 1976.

2005 ◽  
Vol 12 (4) ◽  
pp. 657-690 ◽  
Author(s):  
Charles David
Keyword(s):  
National Security ◽  
Security Council ◽  
Policy Making ◽  
National Security Council ◽  
The Impact ◽  
Presidential Decisions ◽  
The U.S

This article examines the performance of the U.S. National Security Council as a policy-making body vis-à-vis the southern African conflict under the Nixon and Ford Administrations. It discusses and verifies the hypothesis that the institutionalized System of the NSC gives the President a way of seriously improving his policies, by analyzing (within a structured and formalized framework) the range of options and alternatives, free of negative bureaucratic influences. Furthermore, it shows the impact that the presidential decisions had over the orientation of the southern African conflict from 1969 to 1976.

The Impact of Political System and Culture on Political Advertising

2005 ◽  
Vol 8 (1) ◽  
pp. 23-43 ◽  
Author(s):  
Chun-Sik Kim
Keyword(s):  
House Of Representatives ◽  
Presidential Election ◽  
Political System ◽  
Political Advertising ◽  
The United States ◽  
Election Campaigns ◽  
Daily Newspapers ◽  
Study Results ◽  
The Impact ◽  
The U.S

This study examines the impact of political system and culture on political advertising of the United States, Japan and Korea. The population of this study was defined as all political ads appearing in major daily newspapers during the 1963–1997 presidential election campaigns in the U.S. and Korea, and the House of Representatives' election campaigns in Japan. A total of 695 political newspaper ads were content-analyzed in this study. Results of the study showed that there were differences in types, valences and appeals of political advertising of the U.S., Japan and Korea. Also, discussions based on study results showed mixed and intertwined arguments against or for the expectations for this study.

Health Care Public Sector Share and the U.S. Life Expectancy Lag: A Country-level Longitudinal Study

2018 ◽  
Vol 48 (2) ◽  
pp. 328-348 ◽  
Author(s):  
Megan M. Reynolds
Keyword(s):  
Health Care ◽  
Political Economy ◽  
Public Sector ◽  
Life Expectancy ◽  
Policy Implications ◽  
The Political ◽  
Life Expectancy At Birth ◽  
Political Economy Of Health ◽  
The Impact ◽  
The U.S

Growing research on the political economy of health has begun to emphasize sociopolitical influences on cross-national differences in population health above and beyond economic growth. While this research investigates the impact of overall public health spending as a share of GDP (“health care effort”), it has for the most part overlooked the distribution of health care spending across the public and private spheres (“public sector share”). I evaluate the relative contributions of health care effort, public sector share, and GDP to the large and growing disadvantage in U.S. life expectancy at birth relative to peer nations. I do so using fixed effects models with data from 16 wealthy democratic nations between 1960 and 2010. Results indicate that public sector share has a beneficial effect on longevity net of the effect of health care effort and that this effect is nonlinear, decreasing in magnitude as levels rise. Moreover, public sector share is a more powerful predictor of life expectancy at birth than GDP per capita. This study contributes to discussions around the political economy of health, the growth consensus, and the American lag in life expectancy. Policy implications vis-à-vis the U.S. Affordable Care Act are discussed.

Social Imperialism and Wilhelmine Germany

1979 ◽  
Vol 22 (2) ◽  
pp. 331-349 ◽  
Author(s):  
Ian L. D. Forbes
Keyword(s):  
Political System ◽  
Status Quo ◽  
Domestic Policy ◽  
The Political ◽  
Social Democrat ◽  
The Social ◽  
The Status ◽  
The Common ◽  
The Impact ◽  
Interpretive Scheme

In recent times the historiography of the Wilhelmine Reich has clearly reflected the influence of Eckart Kehr and of later historians who have adopted and developed his work. The Rankean dogma of the Primat der Aussenpolitik (primacy of foreign policy) has been replaced by a new slogan, Primat der Innenpolitik (primacy of domestic policy). The resultant interpretive scheme is by now quite familiar. The social structure of the Bismarckean Reich, it is said, was shaken to its foundations by the impact of industrialization. A growing class of industrialists sought to break the power of the feudal agrarian class, and a rapidly developing proletariat threatened to upset the status quo. The internecine struggle between industrialists and agrarians was dangerous for both and for the state, since the final beneficiary might be the proletariat. Consequently agrarians and industrialists closed their ranks against the common social democrat enemy and sought to tame the proletariat, which had grown restive under the impact of the depression, by means of a Weltpolitik which would obviate the effects of the depression, heal the economy, and vindicate the political system responsible for such impressive achievements. Hans-Ulrich Wehler and others call this diversionary strategy against the proletarian threat social imperialism; and this, it is said, is the domestic policy primarily responsible for Wilhelmine imperialism.

The Safety of Participants in Pilgrimages,Processions and Funeral Corteges Using Public Roads

2016 ◽  
Vol 8 (2) ◽  
pp. 123-0
Author(s):  
Aleksander Babiński
Keyword(s):  
National Security ◽  
Religious Belief ◽  
Political System ◽  
The Political ◽  
Public Order ◽  
Freedom Of Conscience ◽  
The Public ◽  
Democratic State ◽  
Legal Situation

A feature of the constitution is that the political system assumes a right to exercise freedom of conscience and religion.In the reality of a totalitarian state the ability to use this freedom was not so evident since, despite the formal guarantee, this ability was limited. In a democratic state of law, this freedom has been clarified by the legislature. By virtue of the Constitution expressions of religious belief may be restricted by law only when it is necessary to protect national security, public order, health, morals or the rights and freedoms of others. The legislation establishing special arrangements to enable the public exercise of worship does not introduce such restrictions. On the contrary, it facilitates its execution. A particular mode of worship involves events that take place entailing the use of public roads. Legislation providing for the use of roads assumes a formalisation of carrying out such religious ceremonies as pilgrimages, processions and funeral corteges on the roads. The article presents legal solutions to enable them to be carried out, indicating the dependence resulting from the category of road on which they are held and solutions designed to ensure the safety of the participants as specific users of public roads. It states which authorities are competent to make arrangements in this regard, indicating the multiplicity of authorities that need to be involved in this process. In the context of the existing legal situation, whether the solutions adopted allow determination of those responsible for the security and the scope of arrangements to ensure the safety of participants of pilgrimages, processions or funeral corteges is important.

The Institutionalization of the U.S. House of Representatives

1968 ◽  
Vol 62 (1) ◽  
pp. 144-168 ◽  
Author(s):  
Nelson W. Polsby
Keyword(s):  
Resource Allocation ◽  
Problem Solving ◽  
House Of Representatives ◽  
Political System ◽  
Political Activity ◽  
The Political ◽  
Resource Allocation Problem ◽  
Political Opposition ◽  
Long Run ◽  
The U.S

Most people who study politics are in general agreement, it seems to me, on at least two propositions. First, we agree that for a political system to be viable, for it to succeed in performing tasks of authoritative resource allocation, problem solving, conflict settlement, and so on, in behalf of a population of any substantial size, it must be institutionalized. That is to say, organizations must be created and sustained that are specialized to political activity.1 Otherwise, the political system is likely to be unstable, weak, and incapable of servicing the demands or protecting the interests of its constituent groups. Secondly, it is generally agreed that for a political system to be in some sense free and democratic, means must be found for institutionalizing representativeness with all the diversity that this implies, and for legitimizing yet at the same time containing political opposition within the system.2Our growing interest in both of these propositions, and in the problems to which they point, can begin to suggest the importance of studying one of the very few extant examples of a highly specialized political institution which over the long run has succeeded in representing a large number of diverse constituents, and in legitimizing, expressing, and containing political opposition within a complex political system—namely, the U.S. House of Representatives.The focus of my attention here will be first of all descriptive, drawing together disparate strands—some of which already exist in the literature3—in an attempt to show in what sense we may regard the House as an institutionalized organ of government. Not all the necessary work has been done on this rather difficult descriptive problem, as I shall indicate. Secondly, I shall offer a number of speculative observations about causes, consequences, and possible lessons to be draw from the institutionalization of the House.

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