The Elusive Quest for Presidential SuccessManaging the Presidency: The Eisenhower Legacy--From Kennedy to Reagan.Phillip G. HendersonThe Trusteeship Presidency: Jimmy Carter and the United States Congress.Charles O. JonesJimmy Carter as President: Leadership and the Politics of the Public Good.Erwin C. HargroveThe Press and the Carter Presidency.Mark J. RozellThe Post-Modern Presidency: The Office after Ronald Reagan.Ryan J. BarilleauxThe Postmodern President: The White House Meets the World.Richard Rose

1990 ◽  
Vol 52 (1) ◽  
pp. 257-268 ◽  
Author(s):  
Raymond Tatalovich
2012 ◽  
Vol 3 (4) ◽  
pp. 1-21 ◽  
Author(s):  
Mahmoud Eid ◽  
Jenna Bresolin Slade

The United States experienced a core-shaking tumble from their pedestal of superpower at the beginning of the 21st century, facing three intertwined crises which revealed a need for change: the financial system collapse, lack of proper healthcare and government turmoil, and growing impatience with the War on Terror. This paper explores the American governments’ and citizens’ use of social network sites (SNS), namely Facebook and YouTube, to conceptualize and debate about national crises, in order to bring about social change, a notion that is synonymous with societal improvement on a national level. Drawing on democratic theories of communication, the public sphere, and emerging scholarship on the Right to Communicate, this study reveals the advantageous nature of SNS for political means: from citizen to citizen, government to citizen, and citizen to government. Furthermore, SNS promote government transparency, and provide citizens with a forum to pose questions to the White House, exchange ideas, and generate goals and strategies necessary for social change. While it remains the government’s responsibility to promote such exchanges, the onus remains with citizens to extend their participation to active engagement outside of SNS if social change is to occur. The Obama Administration’s unique affinity to SNS usage is explored to extrapolate knowledge of SNS in a political context during times of crises.


1991 ◽  
Vol 33 (2) ◽  
pp. 141-174 ◽  
Author(s):  
Ivelaw L. Griffith

The death of forbes burnham in August 1985 and the passing of power to Hugh Desmond Hoyte have produced dramatic changes in Guyana, South America's only English-speaking republic. Some of these have involved: (1) privatization of the public sector, (2) abolition of overseas voting, (3) negotiations with the International Monetary Fund (IMF), (4) rapprochement with the United States, plus (5) an agreement that observers — including former President Jimmy Carter and representatives from the London-based Commonwealth Secretariat—are being invited to oversee the upcoming elections scheduled for either August or September 1991.Precipitated by domestic and international pressures, these changes have taken place within the context of a change in regimes as well, in which one dominant leader, Forbes Burnham, has been succeeded by another equally dominant, Desmond Hoyte.


PEDIATRICS ◽  
1952 ◽  
Vol 10 (3) ◽  
pp. 348-354
Author(s):  
PAUL B. MAGNUSON

When I received your kind invitation to give the annual Trimble lecture, I wrote Dr. Compton that I had several pretty sound medical papers worked up on the causes of pain in the lower back—I've been working in that field for more than 40 years—but that the ladies might be much more interested in some information on the President's Commission on the Health Needs of the Nation. So, in deference to the ladies, I am going to talk about the latter topic. Last November, without a word of warning I got a call from the White House that the President of the United States wanted to see me. I took the train from Chicago that night, and the next morning met with the President. The President laid the cards right on the table. He said he was deeply concerned with the health of the American people in these trying days of all-out-mobilization. He said he had made certain proposals to bring more and better medical care to the people, but these proposals had precipitated an emotional argument which clouded the issue. The President said he was not necessarily committed to any one plan—if any group could come up with a better series of proposals than the ones he advocated, he would be the first to support them if they would insure better health for all the people. For that reason, he said, he had decided after long deliberation to set up a Presidential Commission to get at the facts. He offered me the chairmanship, and promised me an absolutely free hand in choosing the members of the Commission.


2004 ◽  
Vol 21 (1) ◽  
pp. 202-220
Author(s):  
John Haldane

In recent years it has become increasingly common in the United States and in the United Kingdom for newspapers and other media to expose problematic aspects of the private lives of political (and other public) figures; or, since the facts may already be in the public domain, to draw wider attention to them and to make them the subject of commentary. These “problematic aspects” may include past or continuing physical or psychological illness, eating disorders, drug and alcohol abuse or dependence, financial difficulties, family conflict, infidelity, or certain sexual proclivities of both the political figures themselves and of their family members or intimates. In the United States, the most prominent cases are probably those of President Bill Clinton in relation to a series of alleged extramarital affairs leading up to the scandal involving White House intern Monica Lewinsky, and of President John F. Kennedy, also in relation to marital infidelities. The latter exposure was, of course retrospective, as were revelations of similar matters concerning other presidents and holders of high office. Up until the mid-1960s, while it was sometimes known to the press that politicians had “problems” in their private lives, it was rare for these to be made public. Sometimes it might be reported, or more likely hinted, that a figure had a “complex” or “difficult” personal life, and the public was left to infer whatever it might from this (generally concluding that infidelity, alcoholism, or both, were probably at issue). The recent culture of exposure results from a combination of factors, including changed attitudes toward public discussion of sexual conduct, changed standards of sexual behavior, recognition of the scale of Cold War espionage and of its practice of blackmail, a general decline in social deference, a threat to the print media posed by the growth of television, and the rise of satirical entertainment. All of these elements were present in the case that marked the establishment of the culture of exposure in the U.K.: the ‘Profumo scandal’ of 1963. For those unaware of this episode, it may be sufficient to say that it involved the then-secretary of state for war, members of the British aristocracy, a Soviet naval attaché, and a number of “society” call girls, and that it contributed to the resignation of Prime Minister Harold Macmillan and the subsequent fall from power of the Conservative Party. In the United States, the culture of exposure developed somewhat later and took shape in the period of the Watergate scandal, which damaged the American public's perception of the governing classes just as the Profumo scandal had in Britain.


Author(s):  
Theresa Keeley

This chapter clarifies how the Maryknollers and San Salvador's Archbishop, Óscar Romero, unsuccessfully tried to persuade Jimmy Carter to accentuate human rights in U.S.–El Salvador policy. It recounts El Salvador as a major conflict between the White House and the religious community by 1980. It also discusses the Salvadoran government that accused Maryknoll priests John Halbert and Ron Michaels of being “subversives.” The chapter describes priests, brothers, and nuns in El Salvador and the United States that played a crucial role in aiding Salvadorans' push for societal change. It talks about how Maryknollers approached the situation from a faith-based perspective, but their decision to side with the poor had political implications.


1978 ◽  
Vol 8 (2) ◽  
pp. 129-152 ◽  
Author(s):  
Arthur H. Miller

Recent presidential elections in the United States have been marked by widely divergent landslide victories. In 1964 Lyndon Johnson led the Democrats to a sweeping victory over Barry Goldwater. In 1968 Richard Nixon captured the White House for the Republicans in a contest that was close only because George Wallace ran as a third-party candidate and siphoned off a large share of the conservative vote. With Wallace eliminated from the 1972 race, Nixon easily won a lopsided re-election victory over George McGovern. Early in the campaign the 1976 election also appeared to be heading towards an overwhelming victory, this time for the Democrats. Yet, Jimmy Carter won by only two percentage points.


2019 ◽  
Vol 35 (2) ◽  
pp. 255-281
Author(s):  
Sylvia Dümmer Scheel

El artículo analiza la diplomacia pública del gobierno de Lázaro Cárdenas centrándose en su opción por publicitar la pobreza nacional en el extranjero, especialmente en Estados Unidos. Se plantea que se trató de una estrategia inédita, que accedió a poner en riesgo el “prestigio nacional” con el fin de justificar ante la opinión pública estadounidense la necesidad de implementar las reformas contenidas en el Plan Sexenal. Aprovechando la inusual empatía hacia los pobres en tiempos del New Deal, se construyó una imagen específica de pobreza que fuera higiénica y redimible. Ésta, sin embargo, no generó consenso entre los mexicanos. This article analyzes the public diplomacy of the government of Lázaro Cárdenas, focusing on the administration’s decision to publicize the nation’s poverty internationally, especially in the United States. This study suggests that this was an unprecedented strategy, putting “national prestige” at risk in order to explain the importance of implementing the reforms contained in the Six Year Plan, in the face of public opinion in the United States. Taking advantage of the increased empathy felt towards the poor during the New Deal, a specific image of hygienic and redeemable poverty was constructed. However, this strategy did not generate agreement among Mexicans.


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