Hindu Nationalists in India: The Rise of the Bharatiya Janata Party. By Yogendra K. Malick and V. B. Singh. Boulder, Colo.: Westview Press, 1994. x, 262 pp. $39.95 (paper). - The Arya Samaj as a Fundamentalist Movement: A Study in Comparative Fundamentalism. By J. E. Llewellyn. Delhi: Manohar, 1993. vii, 288 pp. $22.00.

1995 ◽  
Vol 54 (4) ◽  
pp. 1137-1138
Author(s):  
Douglas R. Spitz
Author(s):  
J.S. Grewal
Keyword(s):  

In the new context after Independence, the most urgent problems before the governments of India and Punjab were rehabilitation, the language issue, and integration of the princely states. Rehabilitation created Hindu majority in the province, with Sikh majority in six districts. The Sachar Formula to solve the language issue enabled the Arya Samaj leaders of the Punjabi region to exercise their preference for Hindi over Punjabi as the medium of education. Sardar Patel considered various possibilities and decided to form the Patiala and the East Punjab States Union (Pepsu). The caretaker government formed under Gian Singh Rarewala kept the Akalis out. Article 371 of the Constitution of India enabled Sardar Patel to intervene in the affairs of the Pepsu more effectively than in the affairs of the Punjab.


Author(s):  
J.S. Grewal

In the early 1890s, Master Tara Singh (Nanak Chand) was so impressed by the stories of Singh martyrs that he thought of becoming a Keshdhārī Singh. Initiated by Sant Attar Singh in 1901, Master Tara Singh decided to dedicate his life to the service of the Sikh Panth. After the government took over the management of Khalsa College, Amritsar, he began to participate in all anti-government agitations. As Head Master of Khalsa High School, Lyallpur, he was closely associated with the group of Sikh leaders who were more radical than the Chief Khalsa Diwan. His sympathy with the ‘Canadian’ Sikhs, and his interest in the Komagata Maru voyage and the Budge Budge firing made him all the more anti-British. His familiarity with gurbāṇī, Sikh history, and Punjabi literature was reflected in his controversy with the Arya Samaj leaders.


2011 ◽  
Vol 15 (2) ◽  
pp. 6-19
Author(s):  
Gene R. Thursby

The category of Hindu new religious movements is conventional and useful, but has imprecise boundaries. Scholars tend to include within it some groups that have claimed they are not Hindu (Arya Samaj, Ramakrishna Mission) or not religious (Transcendental Meditation). Within its wide range are world-affirming groups dedicated to transforming the physical and social world as well as world-transcending groups that find the status of the world doubtful and their purpose at another level or in another realm. The four articles in this special issue of Nova Religio on Hindu new religious movements represent several aspects of this category, and the potential for accommodation of basic differences, social harmony, and even world-transcendence.


Author(s):  
Afroz Ahmad ◽  
Usha Roopnarain

The last Indian parliamentary election held in 2014, proved to be the finest example of India’s age-old commitment towards the pinnacle of democratic norms. India had set a niche by conducting the largest democratic franchise in history. First time ever since the 1984, Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP) achieved the majority in the Lok Sabha without clubbing with coalition partners. It also got the absolute mandate to rule India’s federal government by ending the Congress monopoly. Interestingly, the Prime Ministerial candidate Narendra Modi in his campaigns criticized Congress-led United Progressive Alliance II (UPA II) for its impotency towards establishing friendly and cooperative relations with India’s neighbors. He also gave assurance that if his party (BJP) got the mandate, his leadership would adopt appropriate measures to resuscitate convivial ties with neighbors. Since forming the government, Prime Minister Modi has been persistently trying to pursue those promises by proceeding towards friendly ties with India’s neighbors. In the light of above discussion, this paper seeks to critically analyze the progress in Indo-Nepal relations under BJP government led by Prime Minister Narendra Modi.


The nationally ruling Bharatiya Janata Party and its opponents are gearing up for five state elections in early 2022


2016 ◽  
Vol 85 (3) ◽  
pp. 587-616
Author(s):  
Jennifer Wiard

This essay investigates the roles of Billy Sunday's staff during his urban revivals in the 1910s, especially the committees and departments they administered. Understanding this revival organization is central to understanding Sunday's success. A corporate organization not only allowed Sunday's team to reach urban populations, it also put evangelicalism culturally in step with the times. This committee structure made outpourings of the Holy Spirit predictable and even guaranteed, and it helped Sunday create a revivalism for an age of mass production, one that was palatable to a cross-class and nationwide audience and reproducible in cities across the country. Most scholars of American religion are familiar with the outline of Sunday's career, but the labors of his staff and their contributions remain virtually unexplored. Further, there is a looming historiographical problem with how scholars treat Sunday. His most important years as a revivalist were in the 1910s, before the fundamentalist movement began, but his name is virtually synonymous with fundamentalism. This article challenges scholars to interpret Progressive Era evangelicals not in terms of what they became in the 1920s, but in terms of how they shaped and were shaped by an era of urbanization and consumer capitalism.


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