Tu Yueh-Sheng (1888–1951): A Tentative Political Biography

1967 ◽  
Vol 26 (3) ◽  
pp. 433-455 ◽  
Author(s):  
Y. C. Wang

Of all the political personalities in the era between 1928 and 1949, Tu Yuehsheng was perhaps the most colorful, certainly the most unusual. Born into the lowest ranks of society, he rose to dazzling heights of power and exercised a political influence no gang leader had ever known before. The intimate relationship between Tu and the Kuomintang regime was a most unusual phenomenon in Chinese politics and deserves careful attention. Even though documentary materials are scarce by the very nature of the case, an investigation may shed important light on contemporary political mechanisms.

Author(s):  
Karen J. Alter

In 1989, when the Cold War ended, there were six permanent international courts. Today there are more than two dozen that have collectively issued over thirty-seven thousand binding legal rulings. This book charts the developments and trends in the creation and role of international courts, and explains how the delegation of authority to international judicial institutions influences global and domestic politics. The book presents an in-depth look at the scope and powers of international courts operating around the world. Focusing on dispute resolution, enforcement, administrative review, and constitutional review, the book argues that international courts alter politics by providing legal, symbolic, and leverage resources that shift the political balance in favor of domestic and international actors who prefer policies more consistent with international law objectives. International courts name violations of the law and perhaps specify remedies. The book explains how this limited power—the power to speak the law—translates into political influence, and it considers eighteen case studies, showing how international courts change state behavior. The case studies, spanning issue areas and regions of the world, collectively elucidate the political factors that often intervene to limit whether or not international courts are invoked and whether international judges dare to demand significant changes in state practices.


Author(s):  
Vasyl Karpo ◽  
Nataliia Nechaieva-Yuriichuk

From ancient times till nowadays information plays a key role in the political processes. The beginning of XXI century demonstrated the transformation of global security from military to information, social etc. aspects. The widening of pandemic demonstrated the weaknesses of contemporary authoritarian states and the power of human-oriented states. During the World War I the theoretical and practical interest toward political manipulation and political propaganda grew definitely. After 1918 the situation developed very fast and political propaganda became the part of political influence. XX century entered into the political history as the millennium of propaganda. The collapse of the USSR and socialist system brought power to new political actors. The global architecture of the world has changed. Former Soviet republic got independence and tried to separate from Russia. And Ukraine was between them. The Revolution of Dignity in Ukraine was the start point for a number of processes in world politics. But the most important was the fact that the role and the place of information as the challenge to world security was reevaluated. The further annexation of Crimea, the attempt to legitimize it by the comparing with the referendums in Scotland and Catalonia demonstrated the willingness of Russian Federation to keep its domination in the world. The main difference between the referendums in Scotland and in Catalonia was the way of Russian interference. In 2014 (Scotland) tried to delegitimised the results of Scottish referendum because they were unacceptable for it. But in 2017 we witness the huge interference of Russian powers in Spain internal affairs, first of all in spreading the independence moods in Catalonia. The main conclusion is that the world has to learn some lessons from Scottish and Catalonia cases and to be ready to new challenges in world politics in a format of information threats.


Author(s):  
Daniel S. Markey

This book explains how China’s new foreign policies like the vaunted “Belt and Road” Initiative are being shaped by local and regional politics outside China and assesses the political implications of these developments for Eurasia and the United States. It depicts the ways that President Xi Jinping’s China is zealously transforming its national wealth and economic power into tools of global political influence and details these developments in South Asia, Central Asia, and the Middle East. Drawing from extensive interviews, travels, and historical research, it describes how perceptions of China vary widely within states like Pakistan, Kazakhstan, and Iran. Eurasia’s powerful and privileged groups often expect to profit from their connections to China, while others fear commercial and political losses. Similarly, statesmen across Eurasia are scrambling to harness China’s energy purchases, arms sales, and infrastructure investments as a means to outdo their strategic competitors, like India and Saudi Arabia, while negotiating relations with Russia and America. The book finds that, on balance, China’s deepening involvement will play to the advantage of regional strongmen and exacerbate the political tensions within and among Eurasian states. To make the most of America’s limited influence along China’s western horizon (and elsewhere), it argues that US policymakers should pursue a selective and localized strategy to serve America’s aims in Eurasia and to better compete with China over the long run.


2008 ◽  
Vol 42 (5) ◽  
pp. 1057-1078 ◽  
Author(s):  
METTE HALSKOV HANSEN

AbstractThis article argues that villagers' weakened trust in local governments has caused the officials to develop new strategies to cooperate with people and groups who enjoy traditional forms of authority. More specifically, the article shows how the officially established Old People' Associations in some areas have gained political influence far beyond what their official status as an “NGO” (minjian zuzhzi) would warrant. Villages of Fujian have a long history of being organised around patrilinear lineage organisations, and especially the older men still enjoys authority among the population. Local authorities, as well as business people, are therefore actively trying to engage and mobilise this traditional senior authority for their own political and economic purposes, thereby creating new relations of local power.


1971 ◽  
Vol 9 (2) ◽  
pp. 165-187 ◽  
Author(s):  
Abel Jacob

DURING the late 1950S and early 19605, Israel mounted an active campaign of aid to Africa, which took three main forms: technical help in agriculture, joint commercial ventures, and military assistance. Of the three, the military and quasi-military programmes made the most considerable mark in Africa;1 they were also an important part of Israel's overall foreign policy, in an attempt to gain political influence through military aid, and thus to help overcome her isolation in the Middle East. Israel's military assistance to Africa illustrates several important aspects of foreign aid. This article deals mainly with the political motives of the donor country, and the various ways in which it may be concerned to influence the actions of the recipient government. Later, there is some discussion of the social and cultural barriers to the transfer of military and para-military organisations from one culture to another.


Significance The situation has highlighted several issues of concern around the influence of the Mexican military, the government’s reliance on it and the challenges Mexico and its security agencies face in trying to meet US demands while addressing domestic threats. Impacts Mexican militarisation was facilitated by Trump administration apathy on human rights; this will change under President Joe Biden. Increased US-bound migration, encouraged by Biden’s more humane rhetoric, will heighten the need for bilateral security cooperation. Future Mexican administrations will struggle to reverse the political influence the military has obtained.


2017 ◽  
Vol 59 (6) ◽  
pp. 839-853 ◽  
Author(s):  
Nurul Nazlia Jamil

Purpose This study aims to examine the economic role of politics on corporate governance reforms in one of emerging market, namely, Malaysia. Design/methodology/approach The paper is based upon a literature review analysis. Findings The Malaysian economic, political and social settings have resulted in undue state and detrimental political influence on business, and yet the corporate governance reforms undertaken seemed not be able to resolve the matter. It is suggesting that it would be beneficial for Malaysia to have more independent regulatory bodies representing a wide variety of stakeholders to improve the transparency and accountability to ensure that the reforms are effectively enforced without conflicting with the political agenda. Legal institutional reforms also may be needed to improve the structure, capacity and performance of judicial system, as it is capable to capture reliance of economic role of politics and promoting accountability in Malaysia. Research limitations/implications The economic role of politics on corporate governance reforms is merely to broaden the political strategy in the corporate sector as the change in politics can improve the effectiveness of corporate governance reforms. Moreover, the economic role of politics raises the tone of the corporate governance reforms, and it implies that policymakers need to have effective corporate governance strategy in dealing with the reforms initiatives in areas that have strong political interventions. Originality/value Regulatory and judicial implications are offered as a means to improve corporate governance in Malaysia.


Author(s):  
Alejandra Araya González

Dentro de los repertorios de acción del movimiento de pobladores, sobresalen las formas en que estos actores urbanos se relacionaron con organismos políticos durante la búsqueda de solución a su problema habitacional. Este artículo propone un análisis de las relaciones socio-políticas que sostuvieron los pobladores del Nueva La Habana con el MIR entre 1970-1973, postulando que aquellos vínculos marcaron una dinámica social-política oscilante entre la búsqueda de una asistencia habitacional y la influencia política de un movimiento revolucionario que recién se vinculaba con los pobladores. En esta línea, se postula que la construcción identitaria de los pobladores de Nueva La Habana se puede entender a partir de una conducta pragmática en la experiencia política que vivieron con los dirigentes del MIR, constituyendo un sello identitario sustancial, que abre una perspectiva histórica para comprender la conducta social-política de los pobladores durante la segunda mitad del siglo XX y el Chile actual.Palabras clave: Movimiento de pobladores, Campamento Nueva La Habana, MIR, experiencia política.“We, the squatters, did not belong to the MIR, we were there because our necessity of dwelling”: Squatters of the squatter settlement Nueva La Habana and the MIR, 1970-1973AbstractIn histories of action of the squatters’ movement, we can highlight the ways in which these urban actors related to political organisms looking for a solution to their housing problem. This article proposes an analysis of the socio-political relations among the squatters of New Havana and the MIR between 1970-1973, postulating that those links marked an oscillating social-political dynamics between the search for a housing assistance and the political influence of a revolutionary movement that was linked with the squatters. In this sense, it is postulated that the identity construction of the inhabitants of Nueva La Habana can be understood from a pragmatic behavior in the political experience they lived with MIR’s leaders, constituting a substantial identity character that opens a historical perspective for understanding the social-political behavior of the squatters during the second half of the Twentieth Century and today in Chile.Keywords: Movement of squatters, New Havana squatter settlement, MIR, political experience.“Os povoadores não éramos do MIR, nós estávamos por uma necessidade que foi a morada”: Os moradores do acampamento a Nueva La Habana e o MIR, 1970-1973ResumoDentro dos repertórios de ação do movimento de povoadores, sobressaem asmaneiras pelas quais esses atores urbanos se relacionaram com organizações políticas durante a busca de uma solução para seu problema habitacional. Este artigo propõe uma análise das relações sócio-políticas que sustentaram aos povoadores da Nueva La Habana com o MIR entre 1970-1973, postulando que esses laços, marcaram uma dinâmica sócio-política que oscilam entre a busca de assistência habitacional e a influência política de um movimento revolucionário que, recentemente, se vinculava com os povoadores. Nesta linha, postula-se que a construção da identidade dos povoadores da Nueva La Habana pode ser entendida a partir de uma conduta pragmática na experiência política viveram com os dirigentes do MIR, constituindo um selo de identidade substancial, que abre uma perspectiva histórica para compreender a conduta sócio-política dos povoadores durante a segunda metade do século XX e o Chile atual.Palavras-chave: Movimento de povoadores, Acampamento Nova Havana, MIR, experiência política.


Sign in / Sign up

Export Citation Format

Share Document