Middlemen in Third-World Corruption: Implications of an Indian Case

1987 ◽  
Vol 39 (4) ◽  
pp. 508-535 ◽  
Author(s):  
Philip Oldenburg

Corruption—like the weather—is a phenomenon people in the third world talk about a great deal, and, it would seem, do little about. Scholars of political change in the third world share this interest, but—although they are usually not expected to deal with corruption itself —they should move beyond the recounting of vivid anecdotes to a more systematic analysis of the problem. Steps in this direction were made in the 1960s and 1970s, but surprisingly little more work has been done since.

2016 ◽  
Vol 50 (2) ◽  
pp. 244-263
Author(s):  
Jeffrey Surovell

In their assessments during the 1960s and 1970s of the state of affairs of Third World “revolutionary democracies” and nations that had taken the “non-capitalist road to development,” the Soviets employed a mode of analysis based on the “correlation of forces.” Given the seeming successes of these “revolutionary democracies” and the appearance of new ones, Moscow was clearly heartened by the apparent tilt in favor of the Soviets and of “progressive” humanity more generally. These apparently positive trends were reflected in Soviet perspectives and policies on the Third World, which focused confidently on such “progressive” regimes. Nonetheless, so-called “reactionary” regimes continued to be a thorn in the side of Soviet policy makers. This study offers a fresh examination of the Soviet analyses of, and policies towards three “reactionary” Third-World regimes: the military dictatorship in Brazil, the Pinochet dictatorship of Chile, and Iran during the reign of the Shah. The article reveals that Soviet decision makers and analysts identified the state sector as the central factor in the “progressive” development of the Third World. Hence the state sector became the focal point for their analyses and the touchstone for Soviet policies; the promotion of the state sector was regarded as a key to the Soviet objective of promoting the “genuine independence” of Third World countries from imperialist domination.


Author(s):  
Igor Krstić

This chapter discusses the international film culture of the 1960s and 1970s against the backdrop of the massive urbanisation of what used to be called the ‘Third World’. During these decades not only did world cinema modernise itself in the form of numerous, highly politicised and predominantly leftist, ‘new waves’, but so, too, did many (mega)cities of the global South. The chapter’s first case example, Moi, un noir (Rouch 1958), depicts how rural migrants, full of hopes for and dreams of a better future, flocked to these cities in search of jobs. The intersections between social and film history on a global scale, hence, between the emergence of a politically engaged international film culture and the massive urbanisation of the ‘Third World’, are, as the author argues, not coincidental, and neither is the rise of docufictional forms. Whether theorised as ethnofiction, docudrama, cinéma vérité or Impefect Cinema, these hybrid forms share their historical links with earlier movements (neorealism and the Grierosonian documentary, in particular), as this chapter’s second main example illustrates: De Cierta Manera (Gómez 1974), an essayistic docudrama that investigates the Cuban government’s slum removal policies in a Havana neighbourhood.


Author(s):  
Eugenia Palieraki

This chapter focuses on the revolutionary connections between Chile and Algeria during the years 1961-1978. It starts at the beginning of the 1960s when the first extensive references to the Algerian War appear in the Chilean Left-Wing Press and in the reports of the Chilean Ministry of Foreign Affairs and ends with Boumediene’s passing in 1978, which closes the socialist parenthesis in Algeria. It describes the conditions of possibility that underlie the revolutionary connections between Chile and Algeria and thus, the revolutionary cosmopolitanism through the examination of 1° the agents, 2° the places and spaces where those links are created and maintained and 3° the ideas. These three elements are constitutive of a new revolutionary universalism, which allows a political meaning to be given to the diplomatic relations between Chile and Algeria from 1970 onwards.


Author(s):  
Benoît De Tréglodé

In the 1960s and 1970s, the humanities and social sciences were largely at the service of an idealised quest aiming at the socialist revolution. In France, academic research on communism in the Third World countries was fuelled by anti-colonial guilt. The change came from within in the early 1980s, when the exodus of Viet Kieu and the security orientation of the country's reunification distracted some of the intellectuals who were fellow travellers (compagnons de route) from the triumphant narratives about this country in the 1960s and 1970s. In 1983, a book vividly presented the contradictions of this period experienced by specialists of Vietnam in France with regard to their present or past commitments with Vietnamese communist regime. The historian Georges Boudarel mentioned: This publication is not a crusade, without complexes or taboos. It intends to place itself under the sign of mutual respect, plurality of points of view, coexistence and tolerance of opinions. These are not exalting slogans, nor are they flags to mount an assault. These terms lack panache and hardly rattle in the wind. But they sum up the hard experience of men. We will not hesitate to make them ours.


2019 ◽  
Vol 42 (2) ◽  
pp. 32-39
Author(s):  
LaNada War Jack

The author reflects on her personal experience as a Native American at UC Berkeley in the 1960s as well as on her activism and important leadership roles in the 1969 Third World Liberation Front student strike, which had as its goal the creation of an interdisciplinary Third World College at the university.


1988 ◽  
Vol 67 (2) ◽  
pp. 173
Author(s):  
John C. Campbell ◽  
Charles F. Andrain

1997 ◽  
Vol 26 (2) ◽  
pp. 185-198
Author(s):  
Manuel A. Vasquez

Brazilian educator Paulo Freire played an influential role in the development of grass-roots religious movements throughout the Third World from the 1960s to 1980s. Partaking of the Enlightenment affirmation of critical thinking as the key emancipatory tool, Freire's pedagogical method has empowered hitherto marginalized subjects. Toward the end of the 1980s, however, postmodernist critiques of Enlightenment rationality as domination have raised some troublesome doubts about the viability of modernist emancipatory projects, including Freire's method. In this article, I reformulate Freire's method to respond to the challenges of postmodernist critiques. I argue that despite some serious shortcomings, the emancipatory impulse behind Freire's pedagogy is worth preserving. Further, I see a revised Freirean approach as a salutary counterpoint to postmodernism's excessive localism and elective affinity with neoliberal capitalism.


1976 ◽  
Vol 2 (3) ◽  
pp. 365-377
Author(s):  
Ashok Parthasarathi

In September 1973, the Pugwash Movement realigned its sights on international collaboration in scientific and technological research as the surest means of promoting development in the Third World, when at its Twenty-third General Conference at Aulanko, Finland, it came to the conclusion that experience having proved its earlier premises to be false, explorations needed to be made in self-reliance as an alternative strategy. Accordingly, it held a Symposium in June 1975 at Dar-es-Salaam, Tanzania, which was attended by 20 participants from the three developing continents and from North America and Europe. There were also some observers from UN agencies. At its conclusion, the Symposium directed the author, who had acted as the rapporteur of the Symposium, to prepare a report along the ‘outlines’ unanimously approved by the participants. The following essay is the result of his labours. It examines the genesis of the concept of self-reliance, explains the concept itself, outlines the transitional steps, spells out the implications for international organizations as well as developing countries, and gives the guidelines of action by the Pugwash Movement itself.


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