United States Called to Task on Indigenous Rights: The Western Shoshone Struggle and Success at the International Level

2006 ◽  
Vol 31 (2) ◽  
pp. 619 ◽  
Author(s):  
Julie Ann Fishel
2015 ◽  
Vol 2 (2) ◽  
pp. 192-200 ◽  
Author(s):  
Andy Gillham ◽  
Keith Hansen ◽  
Connor Brady

Coaches are evaluated and judged on a large number of factors (Gillham, Burton, & Gillham, 2013). The purpose of this paper is to describe the views of three different professionals on coach evaluation. An athletic director and a coach from different Canadian colleges and a coaching consultant responded to the same series of questions regarding coach evaluation at the college level. Across the three professionals, the views expressed are more similar than dissimilar, with each professional emphasizing a different piece of the coach evaluation process. The information presented aligns both with coaching standards in the United States and at the International level. Stakeholder views are compared with the coaching science literature and recommendations for athletic directors and coaching scientists are provided.


Author(s):  
Évelyne Barbin

There exist many historical works on the new pedagogical movements in the beginning of the 20th century, at the level of one country and at the international level also. Our purpose is to focus on teaching of geometry with comparing situations in four countries: United Kingdom, France, Germany and United States. We show that, behind the agreements, there are deep differences in relation with questions posed by geometrical teaching. We use two kinds of materials, discussions and textbooks, and we specially examine the questions on parallels definitions and their introduction in teaching. Keywords: laboratory method, concrete geometry, experimental geometry, intuitive geometry, practical geometry, rational geometry, Émile Borel, Carlo Bourlet, John Dewey, George Halsted, Julius Henrici, Adelia Hornbrook, Jules Houël, Charles Méray, Eliakim Moore, John Perry, Peter Treutlein.


Arts ◽  
2019 ◽  
Vol 8 (4) ◽  
pp. 158
Author(s):  
Emily L. Moore

The Alaska Native Brotherhood (ANB) (est. 1912) is one of the oldest Indigenous rights groups in the United States. Although critics have accused the ANB of endorsing assimilationist policies in its early years, recent scholarship has re-evaluated the strategies of the ANB to advance Tlingit and Haida governance at the same time that they pursued a strategic commitment to the settler state. Contributing to this re-appraisal of the early ANB, this article examines photographic documentation of the use of the American flag in ANB Halls from the period 1914–1945. I argue that the pairing of the American flag with Indigenous imagery in ANB Halls communicated the ANB’s commitment to U.S. citizenship and to Tlingit and Haida sovereignty.


2014 ◽  
Vol 1044-1045 ◽  
pp. 1733-1736
Author(s):  
Lei Zheng ◽  
Yi Peng

Double Game theory attempts to combine the two levels of international relations, and explain international relations with the interaction of domestic level and the international level. The main contents of this theory was born from that background, theoretical aspects of this theory are introduced in this paper. Finally, be explained by the two cases of China's WTO accession and the relations between U.S. and Taiwan.


Author(s):  
Faye V. Harrison

Protests against the Dakota Access Pipeline led by water protectors from the Standing Rock Sioux Tribe in North Dakota have brought human rights violations related to Indigenous sovereignty, environmental justice, and sustainable development into the foreground of political debate in the United States. The struggle at Standing Rock has been strengthened by a coalition formed with activists from other Indigenous Nations, including representatives from the Amazon Basin, and from non-Indigenous movements and political organizations such as the Green Party and #BlackLivesMatter. This article reflects upon the centrality of Indigenous Sovereignty within the broader struggle for human rights and democracy in their most inclusive and substantive senses, especially in societies whose development has been built upon the violence of colonial expansion, white supremacy, and heteropatriarchy. The article also situates Indigenous rights within regimes of multiple articulated alterities in which the subjugation and dispossession of Indigenous and Afro-descendant peoples have been historically differentiated yet intertwined in the Americas. The article offers a multi-sited framework for understanding the convergent and divergent points of reference in the logics of Indigenous and Afro-descendant identity, the relationship with the State and Market, and connections to the material and spiritual resources of land. Attention is directed to cases in the United States, Honduras, and Suriname (including those of communities that define themselves as “Afro-Indigenous”) in which some notion of common ground, affinity, or alliance with past or present-day Indigenous peoples has been mobilized in Afro-descendants’ collective claims on rights to land, development, and cultural resources.


2013 ◽  
Vol 58 (3) ◽  
pp. 607-662 ◽  
Author(s):  
Peter Scott Vicaire

Fuelled by contrasting political backdrops, indigenous tribes on opposite sides of what has become the Canadian-American border have travelled upon very different trajectories, receiving dissimilar treatment from the respective governments that have laid claim to their lands. Indian tribes in the United States have sometimes had progressive legislators and high-ranking government officials enact bold laws and policies that were instrumental in creating positive change. Inversely, Aboriginal peoples in Canada have generally had to muddle through decade after decade of middling, indifferent, or occasionally even malicious bureaucrats who have continued to be too sheepish or backward-thinking to make any significant improvements. Further, the Canadian Parliament has yet to offer any substantive legislation in the vein and magnitude of that which was vital in making positive changes for American Indian tribes, even though numerous independent sources have pointed to such an approach. Rather, decades of piecemeal legislation have served only as a half-hearted attempt to counter the more odious effects of the archaic Indian Act, while those laudable governmental voices that have called for bold, substantial change have been largely ignored.


Author(s):  
Ben Saul

Calls to legally define “terrorism” arose in the context of the extradition of political offenders from the 1930s onwards, with many unsuccessful efforts since then to define, criminalize, and depoliticize a common global concept of “terrorism.” It was only after the terrorist attacks on the United States of September 11, 2001 that many states began enacting national “terrorism” offences, spurred on by new obligations imposed by the United Nations Security Council. National laws remain nonetheless very diverse. At the international level, an elementary legal consensus has emerged that terrorism is criminal violence intended to intimidate a population or coerce a government or an international organization; some national laws add an ulterior intention to pursue a political, religious, or ideological cause. There remain intense disagreements amongst states, however, on whether there should be exceptions for certain “just” causes and, as a result, the conceptual impasse continues, even if it has narrowed.


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