Socioeconomic Class Bias in Turnout, 1964–1988: The Voters Remain the Same

1992 ◽  
Vol 86 (3) ◽  
pp. 725-736 ◽  
Author(s):  
Jan E. Leighley ◽  
Jonathan Nagler
Keyword(s):  
Current Population Survey ◽  
Presidential Elections ◽  
Population Survey ◽  
National Election ◽  
Government Policies ◽  
Socioeconomic Class ◽  
Class Bias ◽  
Election Studies ◽  
Over Time ◽  
Do So

We address the question of whether class bias in the American electorate has increased since 1964. We analyze the Census Bureau's Current Population Survey and the National Election Studies for seven consecutive presidential elections, 1964–88. Our results show that conclusions regarding changes in class bias are sensitive to which measure of socioeconomic class is used—income, education, or occupation. We argue that income is the appropriate measure since government policies that discriminate based on socioeconomic class are most likely to do so based on income and there are measurement problems associated with using either education or occupation over time. Our analysis shows that there has been almost no change in class bias in the electorate since 1964.

scholarly journals Electoral Reinforcement and the Dynamics of Partisanship Strength

2002 ◽  
Vol 23 ◽  
pp. 1-18
Author(s):  
Andrew J. LoTempio
Keyword(s):  
Life Cycle ◽  
Presidential Elections ◽  
Party Identification ◽  
Cumulative Effect ◽  
National Election ◽  
Short Term ◽  
Using Data ◽  
Election Studies

The partisanship strength of individuals is investigated as dependent upon the cumulative effect of their electoral decisions. Using data from the 1956-1960 and 1972-1976 American National Election Studies (NES), voters who reinforce their party identification through loyal presidential vote choices over their life-cycle were found to experience gains in partisanship strength to a larger degree than those who vote for different parties or who do not vote. Additionally, short-term forces such as defecting from one’s party identification in a single election or casting a split-ticket vote hinder life-cycle gains in partisanship. The totality of the evidence shows that the dynamics of partisanship may be better understood if the absence or presence of electoral reinforcement is accounted for across several presidential elections and across the entire ballot in a single election.

Demographics of Turnout

2013 ◽  
Author(s):  
Jan E. Leighley ◽  
Jonathan Nagler
Keyword(s):  
Marital Status ◽  
Voter Turnout ◽  
Current Population Survey ◽  
Presidential Elections ◽  
Population Survey ◽  
Highly Educated ◽  
Demographic Group ◽  
Current Population ◽  
Race Ethnicity ◽  
The U.S

This chapter uses data from the U.S. Census Bureau's Current Population Survey to provide an extensive description and discussion of aggregate and demographic group-specific turnout rates since 1972, focusing on education, income, race, ethnicity, age, gender, and marital status. Among the findings is that voter turnout in presidential elections since 1972 has not declined systematically. Instead, it has been slightly higher in some elections, and slightly lower in other elections. Second, the relationships among income, education, and voter turnout are quite strong: the probability of a highly educated or wealthy individual casting a ballot is much, much higher than the probability of a less-educated or poorer individual casting a ballot. Third, these differences in turnout have been remarkably stable over this thirty-six-year period. Fourth, there is less stability in turnout patterns by age, gender, and ethnicity since 1972 compared to those of education and income.

Education, age at first birth, and the timing of fertility in the United States: recent trends

1988 ◽  
Vol 20 (2) ◽  
pp. 157-165 ◽  
Author(s):  
Howard Wineberg
Keyword(s):  
United States ◽  
Current Population Survey ◽  
Population Survey ◽  
White Women ◽  
The United States ◽  
Age At First Birth ◽  
First Birth ◽  
Younger Women ◽  
Recent Trends ◽  
Over Time

SummaryThis paper enquires whether education and age at first birth, both strongly associated with completed fertility, are related to the timing of fertility, in particular the timing of the first three births, among once married white women. Analysis of data from the June 1985 United States Current Population Survey indicates that education is related to the timing of fertility; this relationship has remained relatively constant over time. Age at first birth is associated with the timing of fertility among older but not younger women.

Gender and Political Activity in Canada, 1965–1984

1987 ◽  
Vol 20 (4) ◽  
pp. 851-863 ◽  
Author(s):  
Barry J. Kay ◽  
Ronald D. Lambert ◽  
Steven D. Brown ◽  
James E. Curtis
Keyword(s):  
National Election ◽  
Political Activity ◽  
Men And Women ◽  
Election Studies ◽  
Over Time

AbstractThis note addresses questions relating to the level of women's political activity and specific obstacles that restrict it. The work of Black and McGlen, showing a decrease in the traditional participation differences between Canadian men and women, is replicated over an expanded series of six national election studies. The results challenge the suggestion that there has been a decline in difference over time, and there is an attempt to account for this lingering distinction between the genders. Data are presented which indicate that the presence of children in the home has a much more constraining impact upon women's political activity than upon that of men.

The Municipal Voter: Voting and Nonvoting in City Elections

1971 ◽  
Vol 65 (4) ◽  
pp. 1135-1140 ◽  
Author(s):  
Howard D. Hamilton
Keyword(s):  
Case Studies ◽  
Presidential Election ◽  
Presidential Elections ◽  
National Election ◽  
Local Elections ◽  
Municipal Elections ◽  
Socioeconomic Variables ◽  
Data Support ◽  
General Proposition ◽  
Election Studies

The few case studies of participation in local elections display distinct patterns, but the measurements lack comparability with each other or with national election voting studies. By application of the methodology, variables, and categories of the presidential election studies to a Toledo city election, the composition of the electorate is compared with that in presidential elections and some sharp contrasts which appear to have significant implications are observed. Some data calculated from Merriam and Gosnell's classic Non-Voting reveal some developments since 1923. From two prominent characteristics of municipal elections, nonpartisan form and low turnout, a few hypotheses about participation in city elections are deduced and examined. The data support the general proposition that most of the psychological, demographic, and socioeconomic variables display comparable amplitudes in city and presidential elections, but their significance is much greater in city elections, because the low voting level makes their impact proportionately greater.

Rights and Tolerance Support in U.S. Presidential Elections, 1992–2016

2020 ◽  
Vol 7 (5) ◽  
pp. 424-445
Author(s):  
Clem Brooks ◽  
Kyle Dodson
Keyword(s):  
Presidential Election ◽  
Presidential Elections ◽  
White Identity ◽  
National Election ◽  
Large Influence ◽  
Racial Resentment ◽  
Voter Choice ◽  
Election Studies ◽  
First Time ◽  
New Evidence

Do attitudes toward issues such as abortion, LGBTQ (lesbian, gay, bisexual, transgender, and queer) rights, and tolerance of diversity matter to U.S. voters and elections? Scholarship on rights and tolerance support has failed to take into account the potentially confounding influence of racial resentment as a factor behind voter choice. This is a serious limitation that we seek to address with American National Election Studies data for presidential elections from 1992 through 2016. We bring together for the first time rights and tolerance support and racial resentment, alongside further consideration of anti-immigrant sentiments and white identity. Racial resentment and anti-immigrant sentiments shape the behavior of voters, but there is new evidence for the large influence of rights and tolerance attitudes, including with respect to the 2016 presidential election. The results suggest a growing dependence of Democratic candidates on high levels of rights and tolerance support. We discuss implications for theory and research on voter choice.

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