The City and Political Psychology

1975 ◽  
Vol 69 (2) ◽  
pp. 559-571 ◽  
Author(s):  
Claude S. Fischer

Alternative theories—“social mobilization” and “urban anomie”— predict different relationships between urbanism and political involvement, i.e., that urbanism stimulates, or that urbanism alienates individuals. (Dahl has predicted a curvilinear association.) This study examines these theories using the 1968 Michigan S.R.C. election survey. Three methodological tools are employed— formulating a causal model among political psychological variables, distinguishing size of polity from size of urban area, and using path analysis—to answer three questions: the effect of urbanism, the effect of polity size, and the effect of their interaction. Overall, the results show little independent association be-tween the urban variables and involvement. Trends indicate that largeness may have slight mobilizing effects even though it also slightly reduces sense of political efficacy, and that the mobilization is a shift in involvement from local to national politics. A partial replication is obtained in the Almond and Verba data.

2020 ◽  
Vol 7 (1) ◽  
pp. 6-24
Author(s):  
Csaba Nikolenyi

This article analyzes the 2018 local elections in Jerusalem, the contested capital of the State of Israel. These elections were unique in terms of their level of competitiveness and fragmentation as well as producing a highly divided local government in the wake of the incumbent mayor’s, Nir Barkat’s, decision to leave the local political scene and enter national politics. While his party has no representation in city council, the new mayor of Jerusalem, Moshe Lion, built a broadly based new coalition that includes all parties in the council except for Hitorerut, the party that won the most seats and whose mayoral candidate, Ofer Berkovitch, was the runner-up to Lion. With the exception of the ultra-orthodox parties, national political parties that sought to interfere with the local electoral process to promote their candidates and lists by and large failed. Therefore, the governance of the city of Jerusalem once again fell under the control of the ultra-orthodox majority. Furthermore, even though the Arab population of East Jerusalem largely continued its traditional abstention from the electoral process, there was some evidence to suggest that a slight shift was taking place in that community in favor of participating in the institutional process of municipal government and democracy.


Author(s):  
Salvador Angosto

The topic of the article are the complex stages of the formation of the Bon Pastor neighbourhood in Barcelona, and contemporary efforts to create the remembrance space system that would preserve the social memory and historical identity of the place. The author presents how the urban development plans for the district were transformed as a result of major changes in national politics, economy, and social policy, since the 1930s, through 60s and 70s, till today. The article describes the Bon Pastor Civic Memory project as an interesting example of a participatory action aimed at the preservation of local heritage. The implementation of the Civic Memory project was possible due to the neighbours’ initiative and their cooperation with cultural and academic institutions. The aim of this project is to mark certain points of the territory which possess historically and socially significant value, and to enhance them through public art, urban design and other implementations envisaged. The Association of residents of Bon Pastor (Barcelona) has been characterized, since 1974, for its combative and vindictive nature, at the same time as for its great capacity to launch solidarity initiatives and manage complicated processes to improve the living conditions of residents of the neighbourhood. After the struggles to obtain a health centre, the improvement of communications by metro and bus, and the constant improvement of public space, in recent years, the Association is co-managing with the Barcelona City Council, the radical transformation of the neighbourhood. The different phases for the remodelling of the neighbourhood, by replacing the so-called “cheap houses” with new buildings, with more spacious apartments and with better material conditions, is coming to an end and now, the possibility opens up, driven by the neighbours and the Museum of the History of the City (MUHBA) to have a metropolitan museographic space devoted to the presentation and study of the evolution of workers’ and popular housing in Barcelona.


2021 ◽  
Vol 25 (1) ◽  
pp. 85-97
Author(s):  
Fifi Novianty

This journal examines the development communication strategy in implementing the smart environment concept in the city of Cirebon. The concept smart environment  focus refers to how a city is managed and refers to development that is environmentally friendly and does not damage the ecosystem. The research methodology uses a systematic literature review, the focus of the research is examining the concept of smart environment in the city of Cirebon. The results showed that the existence of a development communication strategy in implementing the smart city program, especially in the concept of smart environment in the city of Cirebon, provides convenience in implementing the program. The development communication strategy used in the Cirebon city smart environment concept is 1.) Looking at the Targets. 2.) Social Mobilization. 3.) To Secure Understanding. 4.) To Establish Acceptance. 5.) To Motivate Action. Thus, the role of development communication in implementing the smart environment concept can be more focused, and optimize the achievement of the goals to be achieved, because it has a more structured and directed development communication strategy.


1963 ◽  
Vol 32 (3) ◽  
pp. 298-321
Author(s):  
Dorothy Williams Whitney

The present emphasis upon local history as the foundation for a reinterpretation of national events has already affected the historiography of seventeenth century English Puritanism. Attention has been focused on the manuscript records relating to the City of London, many of which had never before been searched by historians, since it was apparent that a reassessment of London's role in the Puritan Revolution was long overdue. The outstanding example of this new approach to the history of London is Valerie Pearl's excellent book, London and the Outbreak of the Puritan Revolution: City Government and National Politics, 1625–43. In addition, the present writer has described Puritan activities between 1610 and 1640 in the City government and in the parishes of St. Stephen, Coleman Street, and St. Botolph Without Aldgate. Still, a need remains for more detailed knowledge of Puritanism in the City's important corporate groups— not only the governing bodies and the parishes, but also the great London livery companies. The purpose of this paper is to reconstruct the story of Puritanism in the Haberdashers' Company, the livery company which seems to have been the most successful in promoting Puritan preaching in England between 1600 and 1640.


2019 ◽  
pp. 103-144
Author(s):  
Ana María Restrepo Rodriguez

La reivindicación de la identidad afrodescendiente en la ciudad de Medellín ha sido, y sigue siendo, un largo proceso de disputa por la ciudad. Desde las décadas de los setenta y ochenta la percepción de una comunidad afrodescendiente, y por lo tanto de su diferencia, obligó a conformar lugares de socialización desde los que se empezaron a dar procesos de identificación y autorreconocimiento. En la década de los noventa y en años recientes, otras estrategias han hecho evidente la presencia y la disputa por el reconocimiento y el derecho a pertenecer: la movilización social y la fiesta irrumpen en el espacio público, activan campos de poder cultural e interpelan a los otros para reivindicar la diferencia, otras memorias de la ciudad y del ser medellinense. Abstract: The identity claims for the afro-descendant people in the city of Medellin has been, and it is still so, a long process of dispute for the city. Since the decades of the seventies and eighties the perception of an afrodescendant community, and therefore of its difference, forced to shape places for socialization. In these places the process of identification and self-recognition began. In the decade of the nineties, and in recent years, other strategies have made evident the presence of afro-descendant communities and its dispute for recognition and for the right to belong: social mobilization and celebration burst in the public space, activating fields of cultural power, claiming the difference to the-others, anothers memory of the city and about being a medellinense. Keywords: territory, territoriality, territorialization, afro-descendant identity, cities, social mobilization, memory, Medellín.  


2021 ◽  
Vol 25 (1) ◽  
pp. 61-83
Author(s):  
Anne Eller

This essay considers the participation of Port-au-Prince women in municipal and national politics during the later decades of the nineteenth century. The growth of Port-au-Prince changed the dynamics of these contests, as newly arrived women joined expanding popular neighborhoods, and many assumed a central role in feeding the city. Women moved freely through the heart of the capital and the immediate countryside on personal, commercial, and sometimes directly political itineraries. While formally excluded from electoral politics, working women made their political desires well known, as they exerted an influence on the military movements that toppled the administration several times. These armed contests, as well as the stratification and militarization of the political scene during peacetime, provoked gendered violence. Simultaneously, working women confronted disdain from journalists who would discipline the women’s great influence. Nevertheless, these women commanded considerable respect in political contests that often seemed to have as their stakes the very independence of the nation itself.


Author(s):  
Mary-Elizabeth B. Murphy

This chapter examines black women’s national politics in the 1920s. For years, African American women had been organizing in their churches, mutual benefit associations, the Phyllis Wheatley Young Women’s Christian Association, and clubs. The ratification of the Nineteenth Amendment and pending presidential election in 1920 inspired women to connect their existing alliances with partisan causes. Black women seized on their location in the nation’s capital to advocate on behalf of African Americans living across the country. Black women across the city formed eight, distinctive political organizations, using them as instruments to lobby for economic justice, protest southern disfranchisement, express opinions about Supreme Court nominations, and weight in on which monuments and memorials would grace the national mall. While elite and middle-class women dominated the leadership of most political organizations, the National Association of Wage Earners attracted a working-class membership through its unique recruitment strategies and mission of economic justice.


Subject Misrata's role in the Libyan conflict. Significance Militias from Misrata are major players in the Libyan conflict. The city is the main power base for opponents to eastern strongman Khalifa Haftar, and has a massive influence on national politics. Impacts Misrata’s armed groups are too powerful to be wiped out easily, and, simultaneously, not powerful enough to prevail on a nationwide basis. Both Haftar's faction and Misrata are likely to avoid a direct confrontation. Proxy conflict elsewhere, such as in the Fezzan, will persist.


2019 ◽  
Vol 24 (4) ◽  
pp. 472-482
Author(s):  
María F. Rivadeneira ◽  
Ana L. Moncayo ◽  
Betzabé Tello ◽  
Ana L. Torres ◽  
Gladys J. Buitrón ◽  
...  

Abstract Objectives Chronic malnutrition and anemia are prevalent in developing countries. This research aimed to determine the prevalence of chronic malnutrition and anemia and their associated factors in children under five using a multi-causal model in a rural community in the coast of Ecuador. Methods The study included 314 children under 5 years old who were residents of San Isidro, Ecuador. Indicators of chronic malnutrition and anemia were identified. Mothers/caregivers were surveyed on socio-economic and environmental conditions, feeding and care practices, access to health services and biological characteristics. Bivariate and multivariable Poisson regression were performed. Results The prevalence was 12.42% (n = 39) for chronic malnutrition and 16.98% (n = 54) for anemia. There was a significant and independent association between chronic malnutrition and family income less than $80 USD per month (Prevalence Ratio [PR] = 2.74, 95% CI 1.04, 7.20), maternal height less than 150 cm (PR 3.00, 95% CI 1.69, 5.32) and residence in a household with more than 4 children (PR 3.05, 95% CI 1.48, 6.29). Anemia was 2.57 times higher (95% CI 1.17, 5.65) in children with more than two episodes of diarrhea in the last 6 months. Prenatal care (5 to 8 visits) provided a protective effect for anemia (PR 0.48, 95% CI 0.27, 0.89). Conclusions for Practice Findings support the need for comprehensive interventions targeted toward chronic malnutrition and anemia in children from rural coastal communities. Improvement of socioeconomic conditions, family planning, prenatal care and reduction of diarrheal diseases should be prioritized.


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