Bases of Support for Mexico's Dominant Party

1970 ◽  
Vol 64 (1) ◽  
pp. 153-167 ◽  
Author(s):  
Barry Ames

The purpose of this paper is to elucidate the bases of support for Mexico's Partido Revolucionário Institucional. A model is developed which identifies the major and minor variables affecting changes in PRI support in the six elections between 1952 and 1967. Throughout the paper the unit of analysis is the state; the dependent variables are voter turnout and the percentage of the total vote in each state received by the PRI.

Author(s):  
Tatiana Lavrova ◽  

The author covers the question of the stability of competitive authoritarianism in Malaysia. In this case, such a regime is particularly stable, possibly due to the developed and institutionalized model of interaction between the dominant party and ethnic groups, implemented in the conditions of the polyethnic composition of the state. It was crucial to take into account the historical context of the British colonization of Malaysia, which had led to the influx of migrants, and the presence of a political party in power for 61 years, which was practically merged with the state apparatus and fully represented only one ethnic group. "Ethnic outbidding" implemented by the dominant party UMNO provided a numerically greater population with benefits in exchange for support of the ruling party. Simultaneously, the incorporation of ethnic groups into the state's political structure and the use of the power-sharing model allowed UMNO to act as an umbrella party and to maintain the status quo. The unspoken Treaty, first, was based on granting the privilege to the indigenous Malay population, and, second, protected the interests of non-Malays. Thus, granting bumiputera and non-Malays certain privileges, the establishment was able to consolidate a non-democratic regime and control over complex Malaysian society.


2020 ◽  
Vol 55 (8) ◽  
pp. 1093-1107
Author(s):  
Peter O. Mbah ◽  
Thaddeus C. Nzeadibe ◽  
Chikodiri Nwangwu ◽  
Ambrose O. Iheanacho ◽  
Christopher Okonkwo Eze ◽  
...  

Using the qual-dominant mixed methods approach, this study analysed the impact of the separatist threat and the militarization of elections on voter turnout during the 2017 governorship election in Anambra State, Nigeria. Findings indicate that perceived and real marginalization of the Igbo in Nigeria’s state-building is largely driving the neo-Biafra separatist threat to boycott elections in Anambra State. This does not only account for the state militarization of elections in order to guarantee security; it also inadvertently engendered fear among citizens, undermined voter turnout and exacerbated political exclusion. This study concludes that inclusive political development presents an opportunity for de-escalation of separatist threats, demilitarization of elections and enhancement of voter turnout in Nigeria.


2018 ◽  
Vol 34 (2) ◽  
pp. 218-249 ◽  
Author(s):  
Eric C. Jones ◽  
Diana Luque ◽  
Arthur D. Murphy

In the state of Sonora, the 2009 Hermosillo ABC Day Care Center fire and the 2014 Cananea copper mine spill highlighted how deregulation and divestiture of state services by the Institutional Revolutionary Party (PRI) and the National Action Party (PAN) served the interests of a few elites, who maintained rule through mechanisms of impunity: in other words, through actions undertaken without concern about the law or repercussions. Although impunity produces a seemingly incoherent set of policy and politics, results from dozens of semi-structured interviews by our team also suggest that exercising power through impunity is part of the culture of governance in Mexico, relying on global ties, but not necessarily requiring any specific individual or party leadership. El incendio de la Guardería ABC de la Cd. de Hermosillo, Sonora en 2009, y el derrame de la mina de cobre de Cananea, Sonora en 2014, exhibió la falta de regulación estatal, así como la ineficiencia en materia de servicios públicos durante las administraciones de los partidos políticos del Partido Revolucionario Institucional (PRI) así como del Partido Acción Nacional (PAN), demostrando que finalmente están al servicio de los intereses de pequeñas élites que mantienen y gobiernan a través de mecanismos de impunidad. Aunque la impunidad sí produce un conjunto de programas y políticas incoherentes, los resultados de más de 100 entrevistas semi-estructuradas sugieren que, además, el ejercicio de poder mediante la impunidad es parte de una cultura de gobernanza en México, que requiere vínculos globales, pero no necesariamente requiere liderazgos específicos, ya sean individuales o de partido.


2019 ◽  
Vol 8 (1) ◽  
pp. 71-93 ◽  
Author(s):  
MARCO GOLDONI

Abstract:The article addresses the question of how to study global constitutional law by suggesting a material methodology. Drawing from previous studies of the notion of the material constitution, both from materialist and institutionalist types (Marx, Mortati, Poulantzas), the article proposes to look at the development of global constitutional law, in its many instantiations, in terms of its relation with the state. Accounts of the autonomy of global constitutional law are requalified in terms of relative autonomy. More specifically, global constitutional law is conceived as a legal construction functional to the transformation of the contemporary state. From the perspective of the material study of constitutional law, the state is still deemed to be the main unit of analysis, but, at the same time, state-centred accounts based on an exceptionalist understanding of sovereignty are rejected as reductive and, at times, inaccurate.


1996 ◽  
Vol 90 (3) ◽  
pp. 512-533 ◽  
Author(s):  
David L. Rousseau ◽  
Christopher Gelpi ◽  
Dan Reiter ◽  
Paul K. Huth

The literature on the democratic peace has emerged from two empirical claims: (1) Democracies are unlikely to conflict with one another, and (2) democracies are as prone to conflict with nondemocracies as nondemocracies are with one another. Together these assertions imply that the democratic peace is a dyadic phenomenon. There is strong support for the first observation, but much recent scholarship contravenes the second. This paper assesses whether the democratic peace is a purely dyadic, a monadic, or perhaps a mixed dyadic and monadic effect. Our analysis offers two important advances. First, our model directly compares the dyadic and monadic explanations by using the state as the unit of analysis rather than the potentially problematic dyad. Second, our model controls for an important but overlooked confounding variable: satisfaction with the status quo. Our results indicate that the initiation of violence within crises is predominantly a dyadic phenomenon, but we also find evidence suggesting a strong monadic effect regarding the emergence of crises.


1998 ◽  
Vol 40 (1) ◽  
pp. 19-38 ◽  
Author(s):  
Renee G. Scherlen

The 1994 presidential election presents a paradox for students of Mexican politics in particular and democratization in general. The year witnessed many numerous and far-reaching changes, both planned and unplanned. An uprising in the state of Chiapas; the assassination of the Partido Revolucionario Institucional (PRI) candidate, Luis Donaldo Colosio; a sweeping electoral reform; and a hotly contested presidential race marked the unprecedented year in Mexican politics. The election results, however, were the same as in every previous presidential election for more than sixty years: a victory by the PRI candidate, in this case Ernesto Zedillo Ponce de León. How to explain this? What significance does the outcome have for understanding the process of regime democratization?


2017 ◽  
Vol 10 (1) ◽  
Author(s):  
Sowmyashree K L

Sex ratio in Karnataka is becoming adverse to women, but is favourable for women, when aged sex ratio is noticed. It is because of difference in the life expectancy of different sexes, which leads to feminization at older ages. It shows that female aged population has been increasing drastically than their male counter-part. As a result of this trend the aged sex ratio has been at a faster rate increasing decade by decade but widely differs among different taluks or different spatial units. It is in this context, the present paper is an endeavour to analyse the spatio¬temporal patterns of old age sex ratio in Karnataka taking taluk as an unit of analysis based on secondary data. Choropleth technique is used for mapping. The study reveals that the state has higher elder sex ratio than the general sex ratio, from 1971-2001.


2016 ◽  
Vol 7 (3) ◽  
pp. 34-46
Author(s):  
Julien Perez

The task of dialog management is commonly decomposed into two sequential subtasks: dialog state tracking and dialog policy learning. In an end-to-end dialog system, the aim of dialog state tracking is to accurately estimate the true dialog state from noisy observations produced by the speech recognition and the natural language understanding modules. The state tracking task is primarily meant to support a dialog policy. From a probabilistic perspective, this is achieved by maintaining a posterior distribution over hidden dialog states composed of a set of context dependent variables. Once a dialog policy is learned, it strives to select an optimal dialog act given the estimated dialog state and a defined reward function. This paper introduces a novel method of dialog state tracking based on a bilinear algebric decomposition model that provides an efficient inference schema through collective matrix factorization. We evaluate the proposed approach on the second Dialog State Tracking Challenge (DSTC-2) dataset and we show that the proposed tracker gives encouraging results compared to the state-of-the-art trackers that participated in this standard benchmark. Finally, we show that the prediction schema is computationally efficient in comparison to the previous approaches.


2021 ◽  
Vol 2 (1) ◽  
pp. 1-7
Author(s):  
Rose Chinyere Okoro ◽  
Joseph Ugochukwu Ogbuefi

Despite the provisions of the Land Use Act (LUA), cap L5 of 2004, to make land available for all stake holders, Federal Government has continuously found it difficult to access land in the states for her developmental projects. Does this influence successful implementation of her building construction projects in south-south Nigeria significantly? To what extent does the State where the project is domiciled influence successful project implementation? In order to provide answers to these questions a survey approach was used in three States (Akwa Ibom, Bayelsa and Cross River), randomly selected with two projects in each State. Structured questionnaire was used to elicit data from screened 179 respondents for the study. Two hypotheses were formulated to guide the research work. The dependent variables studied were land accessibility and successful project implementation while the State where the projects were domiciled was the independent variable. The analytical tools used included simple percentages, one-way Analysis of Variance (ANOVA) and Least Significant Difference (LSD) test. The hypotheses were tested at .05 level of significance. Findings revealed that State where the projects were domiciled had significant influence on the two dependent variables of land accessibility and successful project implementation and that Cross River State was significantly different from the other States on land accessibility but only on Akwa Ibom State on successful project implementation. The research proffers that for land to be easily accessible for Federal Government projects, Federal Government should enshrine in the Nigerian operating Land Policy the customs, traditions, and beliefs of the locals, take centre stage in all levels of land administration and educate her land administrative personnel in respect of government rights in land matters.


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