The Division of Political Labor Between Mothers and Fathers

1971 ◽  
Vol 65 (1) ◽  
pp. 69-82 ◽  
Author(s):  
M. Kent Jennings ◽  
Richard G. Niemi
Keyword(s):  
Political Participation ◽  
Married Couples ◽  
National Sample ◽  
Male Dominance ◽  
Relative Advantage ◽  
Personal Efficacy ◽  
Political Resources ◽  
Political Roles ◽  
Political Advantage ◽  
Role Sharing

This paper starts from the premise that traditional views of political roles among married couples emphasize role-differentiation, leading to masculine superiority; more recent perspectives stress role-sharing, leading to equality. The implications for individual political participation and political socialization vary according to the prevalence of and conditions surrounding the two patterns. Interview data from a national sample of middle-aged couples reveal substantial equality with respect to command over political resources, attention paid to politics, and manifest political participation. Levels of equality remain high under a variety of controls. When inequalities do exist, male dominance is more common, but the extent of that dominance varies across the range of political labor. Superiority of either parent in one arena tends to occur in others also, suggesting fixed modes of behavior. The relative advantage in education and personal efficacy which one partner holds over the other vitally affects the political advantage. These factors and mother's employment status operate more strongly among working class than middle class couples. Age of children has no appreciable impact. To achieve political parity or superiority mothers ordinarily need extraordinary resources to overcome the built-in constraints of culturally-defined sex roles.

Democracy and Islam: A Tale of Democratic Struggle in a Muslim Majority State

2013 ◽  
Vol 1 (1-2) ◽  
pp. 88-114 ◽  
Author(s):  
Mohammad Musfequs Salehin
Keyword(s):  
Social Capital ◽  
Political Participation ◽  
Party Politics ◽  
Democratic Consolidation ◽  
Complex Interplay ◽  
Unequal Distribution ◽  
Political Resources ◽  
Number Of Factors ◽  
Muslim Majority ◽  
The Relationship

The relationship between democracy and Islam is very complex, hence requires a rigorous scholarship to understand this complex interplay. The present paper examines the “success” as well as impediments in democratic consolidation in a Muslim majority state, Bangladesh. Through assessing electoral competitiveness, constitutional guarantees and implementation, women’s rights and political participation, and victory of secular party over Islamist, this paper considers Bangladesh as a “successful” Muslim democracy. Islam, this paper argues, is not a problem in democratization while there are a number of factors obstructing democratization in the Muslim majority states. To analyse the nexus between Islam and democracy, it is imperative to pay meticulous attention to explain the nature of the state and its social formation, origin, nature and practices of Islam in a particular society rather than just labelling Islam as incompatible with democracy. In the Muslim majority state like Bangladesh, as this paper argues, civil-military-bureaucratic structure leading to a symbiotic nexus between politicians, bureaucrats and military oligarchs, fragmentation, familialization and clienteistic party politics leading to neo-patrimonilism, lack of social capital and trust, and unequal distribution of economic and political resources are hindering democratic consolidation.

Objectification in Sport Media: Influences on a Future Women’s Sporting Event

2017 ◽  
Vol 10 (2) ◽  
pp. 178-195 ◽  
Author(s):  
Lindsey Darvin ◽  
Michael Sagas
Keyword(s):  
Consumer Behavior ◽  
National Sample ◽  
Objectification Theory ◽  
Male Dominance ◽  
Sporting Events ◽  
Consumer Behaviors ◽  
Sports Media ◽  
Sport Media ◽  
Sporting Event ◽  
Sport Industry

Gendered processes in the sport industry often perpetuate male dominance and female inferiority. While these gendered occurrences have been well documented, the outcomes of such processes are underexplored. Under the guidance of objectification theory and the production–reception relationship, the authors investigated the influence of objectification in sports-media outlets’ coverage of a female sporting event for a national sample of U.S. consumers (N = 225). In addition, given the lack of coverage directed toward female sporting events, the current study investigated the influence of previous viewership on consumer behaviors for a future women’s sporting event. Findings suggest that processes of objectification influence both men’s and women’s consumer behaviors and that previous viewership influences future consumer-behavior motives. Furthermore, objectified images and language did not adversely affect future consumer behaviors for those who had previously viewed a similar women’s sporting event. Sport-media and communications professionals alike can leverage these relationships.

scholarly journals The Apprehensions of Traditional Ulama towards Women’s Participation in Politics in Nigeria

2014 ◽  
Vol 52 (2) ◽  
pp. 331
Author(s):  
Adebayo Rafiu Ibrahim
Keyword(s):  
Political Participation ◽  
Political History ◽  
Muslim Women ◽  
The Political ◽  
General Belief ◽  
Long Run ◽  
Women's Participation ◽  
Political Roles ◽  
History Of ◽  
The Voice

<p>Throughout the political history of Islam, women played significant political roles in the affairs of muslim states. This, however, has not been the situation in Nigeria where muslim women are skeptical about their involvement in politics, seeing it as an exclusively male domain. This has been so probably because of the voice of ulama against women’s participation in politics or the general belief that politics is a dirty game which is not meant for women. The big question then is why do Nigerian ulama resist women’s involvement in politics? Further, would muslims not stand the risk of losing their political potentiality should they remain indifferent to political participation by women? And, how do female muslim elites who have a flair for politics feel about their lack of political voice: would this not affect their spiritual or religious interests in the long run? This paper explores Islamic political history for the purpose of discovering the extent of muslim women’s involvement in politics, and the reasons for the non-involvement of muslim women in the nation’s politics from the viewpoint of the traditional ulama in the country. <br />[Sepanjang sejarah Islam, wanita memainkan peran penting dalam politik di banyak negara muslim. Namun, hal ini tidak terjadi di Nigeria, karena wanitanya ragu terhadap peran mereka di kancah politik yang memang didominasi oleh para lelaki. Ini terjadi karena ulama menentang keterlibatan wanita di politik serta pandangan bahwa politik itu kotor dan tidak sesuai untuk wanita. Pertanyaannya kenapa para ulama menentang wanita berpolitik? Lalu, apakah mereka tidak rugi secara politis jika tidak peduli dengan partisipasi wanita? Bagaimana juga para wanita muslim itu tidak merasa kurang bersuara dalam politik: apakah ini tidak mempengaruhi spiritualitas dan kepentingan jangka panjang? Paper ini meneliti sejarah politik Islam terkait dengan peran wanita di politik, juga alasan kenapa mereka tidak terlibat menurut kaum ulama tradisional di Nigeria.]</p>

Does Religious Attendance Increase Immigrant Political Participation?: A Case Study in Australia

2017 ◽  
Vol 10 (2) ◽  
pp. 440-460 ◽  
Author(s):  
Liang Jiang
Keyword(s):  
Political Participation ◽  
Religious Attendance ◽  
The Political ◽  
Electoral Participation ◽  
Election Study ◽  
Political Resources ◽  
Universal Applicability ◽  
The Impact ◽  
The Relationship

AbstractThe relationship between religion and immigrant political participation has not been rigorously investigated in the literature set in Australia. In this study, I test whether religious attendance influences electoral and non-electoral participation among immigrants. Drawing on data from the 2013 Australian Election Study, I demonstrate that the impact of religious attendance on political participation may be overstated. I find that religious attendance is not significantly related to electoral and non-electoral participation among immigrants in Australia. This result may relate to three factors: the ability of religious attendance to affect immigrants’ key political resources; competition between religious and secular organizations; and the political salience of particular religious denominations within the Australian context. This study does not provide the much sought-after empirical confirmation to associational theories of political participation, but instead sounds a note of caution about the universal applicability of such theories.

scholarly journals Change Starts at Home: Baseline report of a trial to prevent intimate partner violence among married couples in Nepal

2019 ◽  
Author(s):  
Cari Jo Clark ◽  
Susi McGhee ◽  
Gemma Ferguson ◽  
Binita Shrestha ◽  
Prabin Shrestha ◽  
...  
Keyword(s):  
Intimate Partner Violence ◽  
Partner Violence ◽  
Married Couples ◽  
Cluster Randomized Trial ◽  
Intimate Partner ◽  
Communication Strategy ◽  
Male Dominance ◽  
Lower Percentage ◽  
Change Communication ◽  
At Home

Husband-perpetrated intimate partner violence (IPV) against wives is highly prevalent in rural Nepal. Social inequities experienced by women and girls, compounded by norms characterized by male dominance increase risk of IPV. To address this problem, the Change Starts at Home Project employs a social behavior change communication strategy (SBCC) to shift behavior and norms related to IPV in 36 Village Development Committees in three districts (Chitwan, Kapilvastu, Nawalparasi) in Nepal. The project is being evaluated with a cluster randomized trial (NCT02942433). Data for the manuscript come from baseline surveys of reproductive-aged women randomly selected from the intervention and control communities (N=1440) and female intervention enrollees (N=360). Descriptive statistics were used to identify differences across and within intervention arms and among intervention enrollees and randomly selected participants from the same communities. A total of 1982 individuals were assessed for eligibility resulting in a response rate of 72.65%. The cooperation rate was 84.16%. Results indicate broad sociodemographic similarities on most variables, although a higher percentage of intervention participants were unemployed and a lower percentage had love marriages compared to both study conditions. A smaller percentage of women in the intervention communities reported physical and / or sexual IPV in the prior 12 months (23.89%) than control communities (31.81%) or intervention participants (15.00%). Participants reported favorably to questions inquiring about whether their rights as participants were upheld, however, a minority felt they could discontinue at any time suggesting the need for greater consideration of this aspect of participation in subsequent data collection.

American Muslim Political Participation Following 9/11: Religious Belief, Political Resources, Social Structures, and Political Awareness

2008 ◽  
Vol 1 (1) ◽  
pp. 3-26 ◽  
Author(s):  
John W. Ayers ◽  
C. Richard Hofstetter
Keyword(s):  
Political Participation ◽  
Path Analysis ◽  
Religious Belief ◽  
General Public ◽  
Nationwide Survey ◽  
Social Structures ◽  
American Muslims ◽  
Political Awareness ◽  
Political Resources ◽  
American Muslim

AbstractUsing a nationwide survey of American Muslims conducted in 2004, we evaluate models of political participation, specifically the influence of religious characteristics, political resources, social structures, and political awareness on Muslims' reported political participation. American Muslims reported extremely high rates of political participation in comparison to the general public and in this regard are model citizens. Using path analysis, our findings concluded that religious beliefs were negatively associated with political participation, while measures of religious resources were positively related to participation. Social structures had mixed influence in most cases statistically indistinguishable from zero. Political resources and measures of political awareness, specifically feelings of anxiety following 9/11, were positively associated with participation.

scholarly journals THE POLITICAL PARTICIPATION OF THE INDIGENOUS MUSLIM COMMUNITY IN LABUAN DURING THE BRITISH ADMINISTRATION, 1946-1963

2017 ◽  
Vol 2 (2) ◽  
Author(s):  
Juwita Kumala Anak Robin ◽  
Arnold Puyok
Keyword(s):  
Political Participation ◽  
Political Process ◽  
Community Leaders ◽  
The Political ◽  
Second Phase ◽  
Political Rights ◽  
Muslim Community ◽  
Political Awareness ◽  
Political Roles ◽  
British Colonial

The theme of the political participation of the indigenous Muslim community in Labuan is important to fill the gap in Labuan’s political history. The main questions which the study aimed to answer were: what political roles did the indigenous Muslim community play during the British colonial period from 1946-1963 in Labuan? What were the factors contributing to their political involvement and what were the reactions of the British? The study’s three main objectives were: to describe the political participation of the indigenous Muslim community in Labuan from the period of 1946-1963, to analyse their roles in the British colonial administration, and to examine the British policy towards the involvement of the Muslim leaders in the political process. The study was mainly carried out through qualitative approach, involving archival research and in-depth interviews. Internal and external criticism methods were also applied in assessing, interpreting and analysing the primary, secondary and oral sources. All the key themes were presented in descriptive and chronological manner. The political participation of the indigenous Muslim community in Labuan can be divided into two phases: the first phase from 1946-1960 and the second phase, from 1961-1963. During the first phase, their political participation was essentially driven by their desires to safeguard their religious rights (Islam), ethnic identity and their collective ethnic interests. Throughout the second phase, the indigenous Muslim leaders were motivated by the Muslim community’s political rights and Labuan’s independence under the Malaysia proposal. The British attitudes towards the increased political awareness among the indigenous Muslim community leaders were generally accommodative. The indigenous Muslim community leaders were given opportunities to take part in the political activities. However, the political participation of the indigenous Muslim community was rather limited as Muslim leaders were incapacitated from playing greater political roles in the British colonial administration.Keywords: political participation, indigenous Muslim community, Labuan, British, Malaysia.

Sons, Daughters and Fathers' Absence:

1994 ◽  
Vol 15 (1) ◽  
pp. 97-128 ◽  
Author(s):  
FRANK L. MOTT
Keyword(s):  
Gender Differences ◽  
Home Environment ◽  
National Sample ◽  
Relative Advantage ◽  
White Families ◽  
Single Parenthood ◽  
And Gender ◽  
Using Data ◽  
Female Headed Households ◽  
Biological Fathers

Using data from the National Longitudinal Survey of Youth, this research examines the extent to which the presence or absence of biological fathers from the home is associated with gender differences in the presence or absence of children and gender differences in the home environment encountered by children. For a large national sample of children between the ages of 5 and 9, the results suggest that for White families: (a) fathers are more likely to be present in the home if the child is male; and (b) home environmental advantages that boys appear to have in two-parent households are not apparent in female-headed households. For White families, White single parenthood is clearly linked with a poorer quality environment; nonetheless, it is more equalitarian in terms of boys and girls being similarly socialized. The results for Black children are less systematic, although there is some suggestion that girls lose a modest relative advantage in home environment that they have over boys in father-present homes.

The Evolution of Conventional Political Participation in Turkey

2020 ◽  
Author(s):  
Ersin Kalaycıoğlu
Keyword(s):  
Political Participation ◽  
Voter Turnout ◽  
Political Opportunity ◽  
Social Survey ◽  
Voting Turnout ◽  
Political Resources ◽  
Turkish Politics ◽  
Election Studies ◽  
Insight Into

This chapter provides an explanatory framework of conventional political participation in Turkey. One core institution of democracy that seems to have withstood, to some extent, all the erosive influences upon it in Turkish politics has been the elections. Voters seem to be highly inclined to vote even when the standards of fairness of elections suffered in the last few years. Populist authoritarian practices of the 2010s in Turkey seem not to have diminished the importance of competitive elections, while the voter turnout continued to stay very high at over 80 percent in most elections, which is unprecedented among European, North American, and East Asian countries. At the same time, other forms of political participation, including contacting authorities and campaigning remain low. A comparative study of conventional political participation since the 1970s, promises to provide us insight into the nature of conventional participation in Turkish politics. Using statistical analyses, data collected through the Turkish Election Studies and International Social Survey Program annual surveys are analyzed to chart the evolution of different forms of political participation and the role of sociopolitical, cultural, and economic factors in shaping these forms. Survey research conducted since the 1970s indicate that under the influence of changing political opportunity structure and increasing political resources, not only voting turnout but also campaign related activism, mass–elite contacts, and participation in discussions to solve social, communal problems have also increased in the last four decades in Turkey.

Marital Investments and Community Involvement

2016 ◽  
Vol 59 (4) ◽  
pp. 743-759 ◽  
Author(s):  
Young-Il Kim ◽  
Jeffrey Dew
Keyword(s):  
Community Involvement ◽  
Married Couples ◽  
National Sample ◽  
Religious Service ◽  
Religious Service Attendance ◽  
Unit Of Analysis ◽  
New Approach ◽  
Mixed Support ◽  
Marital Dyad ◽  
Service Attendance

It is customary to test Coser’s greedy marriage thesis by comparing marital status groups. We propose a new approach that uses the marital dyad as the unit of analysis and examine whether investments in the marital relationship discourage community involvement through formal volunteering. Data from a U.S. national sample of 1,368 married couples revealed mixed support for the proposed relationship. Consistent with the greedy marriage thesis, wives’ soulmate view of marriage was negatively associated with their own and their husbands’ reports of volunteering. Although these associations were attenuated by religious service attendance, wives’ soulmate view had a more dampening effect than husbands’ soulmate view on their own and their husbands’ volunteering. However, the time couples spend alone together was positively associated with husbands’ reports of volunteering, which counters the greedy marriage thesis. These findings suggest that the greedy nature of marriage is, in part, determined by its participants—how they define and manage their marriage.

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