Coalition Politics in North India

1968 ◽  
Vol 62 (4) ◽  
pp. 1174-1191 ◽  
Author(s):  
Paul R. Brass

The years 1964 and 1967 stand as two crucial landmarks in the democratic development of India's political systems both at the center and in the several states. In the three years since Nehru's death in May, 1964, Indian politics entered fully into a major test of legitimacy. Since 1964, the national leadership of the Indian National Congress has three times demonstrated its ability to handle smoothly the first stage of India's process of legitimizing democratic political authority—that of transferring power from a charismatic leader to his successors within the dominant party. After the 1967 General Elections, Indian politics moved to a second stage to confront the problems of transferring power from the previously dominant Congress to diverse parties and party coalitions in more than half the Indian states.The purpose of this paper is to examine the implications for party development in India of the ways in which power has been transferred from the Congress to multi-group coalitions in the three north Indian states of Bihar, Uttar Pradesh, and Punjab. Specifically, I am concerned with the structural characteristics of the developing party systems in the three states; with the roles played in the systems by parties, factions, and individuals; and with the impact of the ways in which the systems function upon government formation and stability. I will argue that north Indian political parties operate in systems in which inter-party ideological divisions are less decisive in the formation and breakup of governments than intra-party divisions.

2020 ◽  
Vol 7 (1) ◽  
pp. 30-52
Author(s):  
Suraj Bhan Bhardwaj

During the latter half of the seventeenth and the early eighteenth centuries, the widespread practice of assigning ijāra or farming out of revenue-collection rights over territories within the jāgīrs of imperial Mughal manṣabdārs to various political entities in North India, notably the Kachhwaha Rajput chiefs of Amber, led to heavy fiscal exactions that were deeply resented by the peasants and provoked them to revolt. These revolts gave rise to a number of ambitious zamīndārs, who emerged as ‘saviours’ of peasants against the excesses of the state or were perceived as such by the peasants. Notable among such local zamīndārs was Churaman, a Jat zamīndār in the Braj region who capitalised on his popularity among the peasants and their support to mount a formidable challenge to the Mughal court and the Amber state and carve out a significant sphere of authority in North India (parts of present-day eastern Rajasthan and western Uttar Pradesh) through a combination of military successes against the Amber state, tactics of intimidation and persuasion in relation to the imperial manṣabdārs, and deft manoeuvres to exploit the intense factional politics of the late Mughal court. Drawing chiefly upon Rajasthani archival sources, this essay seeks to bring out the various dimensions of Churaman’s leadership, while tracing his rise and role as a popular Jat peasant leader, the socio-economic bases of his power, the Mughal and Rajput perceptions about him, and the crucial linkages between his role in establishing the Jats as a formidable force in North Indian politics and in the formation of a Jat state.


2020 ◽  
Author(s):  
Ankush Kumar

BACKGROUND COVID-19 pandemic is a global concern, due to its high spreading and alarming fatality rate. Mathematical models can play a decisive role in mitigating the spread and predicting the growth of the epidemic. India is a large country, with a highly variable inter-state mobility, and dynamically varying infection cases in different locations; thus, the existing models, based solely on the aspects of growth rates, or generalized network concepts, may not provide desired predictions. The internal mobility of a country must be considered, for accurate prediction. OBJECTIVE This study aims to propose a framework for predicting the geographical spread of COVID-19 based on human mobility, by incorporating migration and transport statistics. The motivation of the research is to identify the locations, which can be at higher level COVID -19 spread risk, during migrants transfer and transportation activities. METHODS We use reported COVID-19 cases, census migration data, and monthly airline data of passengers. RESULTS We discover that spreading depends on the spatial distribution of existing cases, human mobility patterns, and administrative decisions. In India, the mobility towards professional sites can surge incoming cases at Maharastra and Karnataka, while migration towards the native places can risk Uttar Pradesh and Bihar. We anticipate that the state Kerala, with one of the highest cases of COVID-19, may not receive significant incoming cases, while Karnataka and Haryana may receive the challenge of high incoming cases, with medium cases so far. Using airline passenger's data, we also estimate the number of potential incoming cases at various airports. The study predicts that the airports located in the region of north India are vulnerable, whereas in the northeast India and in some south India are relatively safe. CONCLUSIONS A model is developed for systematically understanding the effect of migration and transport on the spreading of COVID-19, and predetermining the hotspots on real time basis. Through the model, we identified the airports and states that are at higher level of COVID-19 risk. The study can guide policymakers in prior planning of transport and estimate the required medical and quarantine facilities to minimize the impact of COVID-19.


PLoS ONE ◽  
2021 ◽  
Vol 16 (5) ◽  
pp. e0251814
Author(s):  
Jaison Joseph ◽  
Hari Sankar D. ◽  
Devaki Nambiar

Introduction India’s Pradhan Mantri Jan Arogya Yojana (PM-JAY) is the world’s largest health assurance scheme providing health cover of 500,000 INR (about USD 6,800) per family per year. It provides financial support for secondary and tertiary care hospitalization expenses to about 500 million of India’s poorest households through various insurance models with care delivered by public and private empanelled providers. This study undertook to describe the provider empanelment of PM-JAY, a key element of its functioning and determinant of its impact. Methods We carried out secondary analysis of cross-sectional administrative program data publicly available in PM-JAY portal for 30 Indian states and 06 UTs. We analysed the state wise distribution, type and sector of empanelled hospitals and services offered through PM-JAY scheme across all the states and UTs. Results We found that out of the total facilities empanelled (N = 20,257) under the scheme in 2020, more than half (N = 11,367, 56%) were in the public sector, while 8,157 (40%) facilities were private for profit, and 733 (4%) were private not for profit entities. State wise distribution of hospitals showed that five states (Karnataka (N = 2,996, 14.9%), Gujarat (N = 2,672, 13.3%), Uttar Pradesh (N = 2,627, 13%), Tamil Nadu (N = 2315, 11.5%) and Rajasthan (N = 2,093 facilities, 10.4%) contributed to more than 60% of empanelled PMJAY facilities: We also observed that 40% of facilities were offering between two and five specialties while 14% of empanelled hospitals provided 21–24 specialties. Conclusion A majority of the hospital empanelled under the scheme are in states with previous experience of implementing publicly funded health insurance schemes, with the exception of Uttar Pradesh. Reasons underlying these patterns of empanelment as well as the impact of empanelment on service access, utilisation, population health and financial risk protection warrant further study. While the inclusion and regulation of the private sector is a goal that may be served by empanelment, the role of public sector remains critical, particularly in underserved areas of India.


2003 ◽  
Vol 23 (2) ◽  
pp. 117-138 ◽  
Author(s):  
Suruchi Sood ◽  
Pramod Kumar Singh ◽  
Rakesh Sarwal

This article examines the impact of a community-based health promotion initiative implemented in the state of Uttar Pradesh in North India in measurably improving knowledge, interpersonal communication, and practices related to HIV/AIDS and STIs among rural audiences with low or no access to mass media. Using a panel study design and logistic regression analysis, results indicate that at endline the exposed panel of respondents report significantly higher levels of knowledge and interpersonal communication regarding HIV/AIDS and STIs in comparison to the reports from the same set of respondents at baseline and also the respondents not exposed at endline. Some control variables—such as gender, education, and media access—display some interaction effects with the dependent variables. The findings suggest that community-based media initiatives are a strong vehicle in promoting changes in knowledge and producing positive behavioral outcomes especially by reaching out to underserved communities that have relatively fewer alternative sources of information on sensitive sexual health issues.


2020 ◽  
pp. 1-44
Author(s):  
SOHINI GUHA

Abstract The political assertion by subalterns (specifically lower and backward castes) that India witnessed from the 1990s onwards, and the formation of governments by parties representing these groups in Uttar Pradesh and Bihar, two electorally critical North Indian states, contributed significantly to the deepening of India's democracy. But these lower caste governments met with vehement resistance from privileged strata, and from a section of state actors themselves, in particular, the bureaucracy. These governments adopted a range of strategies to counter this resistance in turn, which had the effect of bringing the procedural and substantive elements of democracy into sharp conflict. The project of lower and backward caste empowerment was defined by a politics of levelling, which placed great value on instantly visible egalitarian outcomes, even when these could only be achieved by denting the rule of law and weakening public institutions. But it was precisely on account of its ability to deliver instant egalitarian fixes (albeit on an ad-hoc and sporadic basis) that this politics commanded so much legitimacy among subordinate groups. Drawing on ethnographic research conducted in Uttar Pradesh, and secondary literature on backward caste politics in Bihar, this article explores the consequences that this prioritizing of right outcomes over proper procedures had on public culture in North India. It argues that this prioritizing of consequences over means bred a widespread impatience with a procedural conception of democracy, which was seen as obstructing the modalities that went to secure justice in real life.


2020 ◽  
Vol 6 (5) ◽  
pp. 1183-1189
Author(s):  
Dr. Tridibesh Tripathy ◽  
Dr. Umakant Prusty ◽  
Dr. Chintamani Nayak ◽  
Dr. Rakesh Dwivedi ◽  
Dr. Mohini Gautam

The current article of Uttar Pradesh (UP) is about the ASHAs who are the daughters-in-law of a family that resides in the same community that they serve as the grassroots health worker since 2005 when the NRHM was introduced in the Empowered Action Group (EAG) states. UP is one such Empowered Action Group (EAG) state. The current study explores the actual responses of Recently Delivered Women (RDW) on their visits during the first month of their recent delivery. From the catchment area of each of the 250 ASHAs, two RDWs were selected who had a child in the age group of 3 to 6 months during the survey. The response profiles of the RDWs on the post- delivery first month visits are dwelled upon to evolve a picture representing the entire state of UP. The relevance of the study assumes significance as detailed data on the modalities of postnatal visits are available but not exclusively for the first month period of their recent delivery. The details of the post-delivery first month period related visits are not available even in large scale surveys like National Family Health Survey 4 done in 2015-16. The current study gives an insight in to these visits with a five-point approach i.e. type of personnel doing the visit, frequency of the visits, visits done in a particular week from among those four weeks separately for the three visits separately. The current study is basically regarding the summary of this Penta approach for the post- delivery one-month period.     The first month period after each delivery deals with 70% of the time of the postnatal period & the entire neonatal period. Therefore, it does impact the Maternal Mortality Rate & Ratio (MMR) & the Neonatal Mortality Rates (NMR) in India and especially in UP through the unsafe Maternal & Neonatal practices in the first month period after delivery. The current MM Rate of UP is 20.1 & MM Ratio is 216 whereas the MM ratio is 122 in India (SRS, 2019). The Sample Registration System (SRS) report also mentions that the Life Time Risk (LTR) of a woman in pregnancy is 0.7% which is the highest in the nation (SRS, 2019). This means it is very risky to give birth in UP in comparison to other regions in the country (SRS, 2019). This risk is at the peak in the first month period after each delivery. Similarly, the current NMR in India is 23 per 1000 livebirths (UNIGME,2018). As NMR data is not available separately for states, the national level data also hold good for the states and that’s how for the state of UP as well. These mortalities are the impact indicators and such indicators can be reduced through long drawn processes that includes effective and timely visits to RDWs especially in the first month period after delivery. This would help in making their post-natal & neonatal stage safe. This is the area of post-delivery first month visit profile detailing that the current article helps in popping out in relation to the recent delivery of the respondents.   A total of four districts of Uttar Pradesh were selected purposively for the study and the data collection was conducted in the villages of the respective districts with the help of a pre-tested structured interview schedule with both close-ended and open-ended questions.  The current article deals with five close ended questions with options, two for the type of personnel & frequency while the other three are for each of the three visits in the first month after the recent delivery of respondents. In addition, in-depth interviews were also conducted amongst the RDWs and a total 500 respondents had participated in the study.   Among the districts related to this article, the results showed that ASHA was the type of personnel who did the majority of visits in all the four districts. On the other hand, 25-40% of RDWs in all the 4 districts replied that they did not receive any visit within the first month of their recent delivery. Regarding frequency, most of the RDWs in all the 4 districts received 1-2 times visits by ASHAs.   Regarding the first visit, it was found that the ASHAs of Barabanki and Gonda visited less percentage of RDWs in the first week after delivery. Similarly, the second visit revealed that about 1.2% RDWs in Banda district could not recall about the visit. Further on the second visit, the RDWs responded that most of them in 3 districts except Gonda district did receive the second postnatal visit in 7-15 days after their recent delivery. Less than half of RDWs in Barabanki district & just more than half of RDWs in Gonda district received the third visit in 15-21 days period after delivery. For the same period, the majority of RDWs in the rest two districts responded that they had been entertained through a home visit.


2019 ◽  
Vol 118 (11) ◽  
pp. 255-268
Author(s):  
Amit Kumar

Modern politics, particularly prevalent in the Western Democracies, is replete with instances wherein communication has come to play a pivotal role in the formation or dislodging a government. This is not to say that in traditional political scenario, the role of communication was any lesser. Far from it, communication has always characterized the build-up of events in politics. However, the significance of the same has increased manifold thanks to the advent of social media and complex nature of modern politics as well as due to rise of such concepts as political branding which has gained traction in the wake of proliferation of technology. The same holds true in the Indian political scenario as well. The last few years have redefined the role of communication and its tools in Indian politics, especially during a mega-political event like election. The last two general elections were testimonies to the same. The might of social media has been realized by even its staunchest critics. Along with it, the popular concept of permanent campaign has also characterized the phenomenon of political communication. This paper goes on to explore the underlying concept of political communication and how the same has come to influence the turn of events as well as the final outcome of an election.


2019 ◽  
Vol 5 (4) ◽  
pp. 21-26
Author(s):  
Purvi Nishad ◽  
Anjali Mathur ◽  
Anshu ◽  
Nisha Chacko

The present study was to assess the impact of modernization among the college students across gender, socio cultural settings and socio economic groups among adolescent boys and girls in the age group of 17 to 21 year.


Author(s):  
Himanshu ◽  
Peter Lanjouw ◽  
Nicholas Stern

Development economics is about understanding how and why lives and livelihoods change. This book is about economic development in the village of Palanpur, in Moradabad district, Uttar Pradesh, in north India. It draws on seven decades of detailed data collection by a team of dedicated development economists to describe the evolution of Palanpur’s economy, its society, and its politics. The emerging story of integration of the village economy with the outside world is placed against the backdrop of a rapidly transforming India and, in turn, helps to understand the transformation. The role of, and scope for, public policy in shaping the lives of individuals is examined. The book describes how changes in Palanpur’s economy since the late 1950s were initially driven by the advance of agriculture through land reforms, the expansion of irrigation, and the introduction of ‘green revolution’ technologies. Then, since the mid-1980s, newly emerging off-farm opportunities in nearby towns and outside agriculture became the key drivers of growth and change. These key forces of change have profoundly influenced poverty, income mobility, and inequality in Palanpur. Village institutions such as those governing access to land are shown to have evolved in subtle but clear ways over time, while individual entrepreneurship and initiative is found to play a critical role in driving and responding to the forces of change. And yet, against a backdrop of real economic growth and structural transformation, the book documents how human development outcomes have shown only weak progress and remain stubbornly resistant to change.


2021 ◽  
pp. 001946622110153
Author(s):  
Suresh Kumar Maurya ◽  
Neha Vishwakarma

This article attempts to analyse status of agricultural credit and indebtedness in India. The objectives of the study are as follows: (a) to study a comparison of flow of total institutional agricultural credit among different land size groups at all India level; (b) to study a comparison of indebtedness of agricultural households between different size classes of land possessed at both states and all India level and (c) to analyse incidence of indebtedness in major Indian states. It is concluded that mostly, short- and medium-term loans of agricultural purposes are taken for marginal land size groups in India. The percentage of indebted agricultural households to total agricultural household increases as land size increases. The percentage of holdings is less than percentage of indebted agricultural households in Punjab, Uttar Pradesh, Andhra Pradesh, West Bengal, Karnataka, Odisha and Rajasthan. JEL Code: Q14


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