Public Opinion and Political Parties in France

1952 ◽  
Vol 46 (4) ◽  
pp. 1069-1078 ◽  
Author(s):  
Maurice Duverger
Keyword(s):  
Party System ◽  
Third Republic ◽  
Political Life ◽  
French Politics ◽  
National Assembly ◽  
Fourth Republic ◽  
History Of ◽  
The One ◽  
The Right ◽  
Political Groups

To any observer the French party system is bewildering. On the one hand, he sees that ten parliamentary groups are officially established in the National Assembly (not including the Overseas Independents); and, at the same time, he notes that only five of them are really organized throughout the country, and so entitled to be considered “parties” in the true sense of the word: the RPF, the Radicals, the MRP, the Socialists, and the Communists. On the other hand, he observes that the ablest French specialists in electoral sociology—particularly André Siegfried and his disciple, François Goguel—consider that, behind the apparent profusion of political groups, two basic divisions are always found, the continuing opposition of which has supplied for more than a century the essential dynamics of French politics. These two divisions are, of course, the Right and the Left, traditionally called “Order” and “Movement.” Nevertheless, the brief history of the Fourth Republic reveals an attempt to break down these two blocs, and to build a “Third Force” from smaller units. Under various names, such a Third Force has governed France from March, 1947, to March, 1952; and if our hypothetical observer will look back and analyze the political life of the Third Republic, he will find the same tendency there, not so marked and not so strong, but always present.

Neither Civilian nor Combatant: Weaponised Spaces and Spatialised Bodies in Cizre

2019 ◽  
pp. 71-94
Author(s):  
Haydar Darıcı ◽  
Serra Hakyemez
Keyword(s):  
Political Life ◽  
Right To Life ◽  
History Of ◽  
The Dead ◽  
The Government ◽  
Turkish State ◽  
The One ◽  
The Right ◽  
Kurdish Conflict ◽  
Self Defence

What kind of work does the categorical distinction between combatant and civilian do in the interplay of the necropolitics and biopower of the Turkish state? This paper focuses on a time period (2015-2016) in the history of the Kurdish conflict when that distinction was no longer operable as the war tactics of the Kurdish movement shifted from guerrilla attacks of hit and run in the mountains to the self-defence of residents in urban centres. It reveals the limit of inciting compassion through the figure of civilian who is assumed to entertain a pre-political life that is directed towards mere survival. It also shows how the government reconstructs the dead bodies using forensics and technoscience in order to portray what is considered by Kurdish human rights organizations civilians as combatants exercising necroresistance. As long as the civilian-combatant distinction remains and serves as the only episteme of war to defend the right to life, the state is enabled to entertain not only the right to kill, but also to turn the dead into the perpetrators of their own killing. Finally, this paper argues that law and violence, on the one hand, and the right to life and the act of killing on the other, are not two polar opposites but are mutually constitutive of each other in the remaking of state sovereignty put in crisis by the Kurdish movement's self-defence practices.

Neo-Royalists in the Third Republic. The History of Origin and Formation of the “Action française”

2020 ◽  
Vol 65 ◽  
pp. 492-504
Author(s):  
Sergey V. Zelenin
Keyword(s):  
Third Republic ◽  
The Other ◽  
Present Review ◽  
Life Activity ◽  
The Third ◽  
Concise Review ◽  
French Writer ◽  
History Of ◽  
The Right

The present review is devoted to Vasiliy Molodyakov’s book “Charles Morraus and the “Action française” against Germany: from Kaiser to Hitler”. The review examines the main thoughts and postulates of the book. The book represents the first part of the trilogy on the life, activity and views of the French writer, publicist ad thinker Charles Morraus, as well as on the history of the right monarchic movement “Action française”. The article also gives a concise review of the other works of this author.

Origins

2018 ◽  
Author(s):  
Peter Mitchell
Keyword(s):  
Short Distance ◽  
Cervical Vertebra ◽  
Genetic Studies ◽  
Human Interactions ◽  
The Third ◽  
Wild Ass ◽  
History Of ◽  
Kill Site ◽  
The One ◽  
The Right

Over 50,000 years ago a Neanderthal hunter approached a wild ass on the plains of northeastern Syria. Taking aim from the right as the animal nervously assessed the threat, he launched his stone-tipped spear into its neck, penetrating the third cervical vertebra and paralyzing it immediately. Butchered at the kill site, this bone and most of the rest of the animal were taken back to the hunter’s camp at Umm el Tlel, a short distance away. Closely modelled on archaeological observations of that vertebra and the Levallois stone point still embedded within it, this incident helps define the framework for this chapter. At the start of the period it covers, human interactions with the donkey’s ancestors were purely a matter of hunting wild prey, but by its end the donkey had been transformed into a domesticated animal. Chapter 2 thus looks at how this process came about, where it did so, and what the evolutionary history of the donkey’s forebears had been until that point. Donkeys and the wild asses that are their closest relatives form part of the equid family to which zebras and horses also belong. Collectively, equids, like rhinoceroses and tapirs, fall within the Perissodactyla, the odd-toed division of hoofed mammals or ungulates. Though this might suggest a close connection with the much larger order known as the Artiodactyla, the even-toed antelopes (including deer, cattle, sheep, and goats), their superficial resemblances may actually reflect evolutionary convergence; some genetic studies hint that perissodactyls are more closely related to carnivores. Like tapirs and rhinoceroses, the earliest equids had three toes, not the one that has characterized them for the past 40 million years. That single toe, the third, now bears all their weight in the form of a single, enlarged hoof with the adjacent toes reduced to mere splints. This switch, and the associated elongation of the third (or central) metapodial linking the toe to the wrist or ankle, is one of the key evolutionary transformations through which equids have passed. A second involves diet since the earliest perissodactyls were all browsers, not grazers like the equids of today.

Karl Renner and the Politics of Accommodation: Moderation versus Revenge

1991 ◽  
Vol 22 ◽  
pp. 35-56 ◽  
Author(s):  
Peter Loewenberg
Keyword(s):  
Twentieth Century ◽  
World War Ii ◽  
Political Life ◽  
Right Wing ◽  
World War ◽  
Second Republic ◽  
Social Democrats ◽  
First Republic ◽  
History Of ◽  
The Right

Karl Renner's political life encompasses the history of Austria's empire and her two twentieth-century republics, making him the foremost leader of Austrian democratic politics. Renner was also the most innovative theoretician on the nationalities question which plagued the Habsburg monarchy and the twentieth-century world. He was chancellor of Austria's first republic, leader of the right-wing Social Democrats, and president of the post-World War II Second Republic. A study of his life and politics offers a perspective on the origins of the moderate, adaptive, political personality and on the tension between ideology and accommodation to the point where it is difficult to determine what core of principle remained.

The Pragmatic Electorate

1930 ◽  
Vol 24 (1) ◽  
pp. 16-37 ◽  
Author(s):  
Francis G. Wilson
Keyword(s):  
Middle Ages ◽  
Large Scale ◽  
The Body ◽  
Political Life ◽  
Limited Participation ◽  
Good Citizen ◽  
General Improvement ◽  
The One ◽  
City State ◽  
The Right

Political science has dealt too long, on the one hand, with the ideal, and, on the other hand, with the abnormal and perverted features of political society, rather than with the normal and the eventual. Our theory of ideal democracy is perhaps more suited to the Greek and Roman city-state, with participation as the test of the good citizen. Representation has been heralded as the device which makes the ancient ideal possible on a large scale. But in practice it has been found that the enormous expansion of the public, i.e., the body of persons who have the right of participation, has made the problem far more complex than was at first thought possible. Greek ideals of education and coercion of the citizen body toward general improvement have been carried out with greater success, and our statute books reflect a Hobbesian attitude toward human nature which is true only in part. The political philosophy of democracy must be built on the facts of political life.Shall we break with the Greek and Roman ideal of the participation of the citizen group in the affairs of the state? It is true that the present attitude is a revised form of the democratic ideal of antiquity, but with a different interpretation of the meaning of citizenship. All democratic governments must finally rest on some theory of the suffrage; any study of the fact of non-voting must be based on a theory of the suffrage likewise. With the expansion of the theory of citizenship to include all subjects, a corresponding theory of limited participation was developed—no doubt a product of the Middle Ages. The totality of citizens was distrusted, and some test of participation had to be devised. Such was the origin of religious tests for political participation; such was the origin of the distinction between the right to vote and the fact of citizenship.

Plena Potestas and Consent in Medieval Assemblies: A Study in Romano-Canonical Procedure and the Rise of Representation, 1150–1325

Traditio ◽  
1943 ◽  
Vol 1 ◽  
pp. 355-408 ◽  
Author(s):  
Gaines Post
Keyword(s):  
Thirteenth Century ◽  
Legal Theory ◽  
Roman Law ◽  
New Approach ◽  
Royal Authority ◽  
Strict Interpretation ◽  
History Of ◽  
Full Power ◽  
The One ◽  
The Right

By the end of the thirteenth century the royal writ of summons to Parliament usually specified that communities send representatives with “full power” to consent to whatever should be ordained by the king in his court and council. This “full power” was the famous plena potestas which was stated in the mandates carried by knights and burgesses to Parliament and by delegates of cities and towns to Cortes and States General, and which is still current in proxies for stockholders' meetings. It has, of course, like almost every word of the terminology in documents relating to representation, challenged interpretation: on the one side is the argument of J. G. Edwards, who confines himself to England, that plena potestas implied an almost political or sovereign consent which limited the royal authority; on the other, the assumption that it was an expression of involuntary consent to the acts and decisions of the royal government. In general, of course, whatever modern scholars have decided as to the right of consent has resulted either from modern conceptions of representation or from a strict interpretation of the terminology in the sources for the history of assemblies. No one has examined plena potestas in the light of the legal theory and procedure of the thirteenth century It is possible that by studying how legists and canonists viewed the meaning of plena potestas—for it, like most of the terminology in the mandate, came from Roman Law—we can find at least a relatively new approach to the problem of medieval consent.

Digital Resources: Chile’s Centro de Investigación y Documentación (CIDOC) and Anti-Communism in the 1964 Elections

2020 ◽  
Author(s):  
Andrea Botto Stuven
Keyword(s):  
The United States ◽  
The Other ◽  
Right Wing ◽  
Contemporary History ◽  
Christian Democracy ◽  
Salvador Allende ◽  
History Of ◽  
The Media ◽  
The One ◽  
The Right

The Documentation Center of the Contemporary History of Chile (CIDOC), which belongs to the Universidad Finis Terrae (Santiago), has a digital archive that contains the posters and newspapers inserts of the anti-communist campaign against Salvador Allende’s presidential candidacy in 1964. These appeared in the main right-wing newspapers of Santiago, between January and September of 1964. Although the collection of posters in CIDOC is not complete, it is a resource of great value for those who want to research this historical juncture, considering that those elections were by far the most contested and conflicting in the history of Chile during the 20th Century, as it implicted the confrontation between two candidates defending two different conceptions about society, politics, and economics. On the one hand, Salvador Allende, the candidate of the Chilean left; on the other, Eduardo Frei, the candidate of the Christian Democracy, coupled with the traditional parties of the Right. While the technical elements of the programs of both candidates did not differ much from each other, the political campaign became the scenario for an authentic war between the “media” that stood up for one or the other candidate. Frei’s anticommunist campaign had the financial aid of the United States, and these funds were used to gather all possible resources to create a real “terror” in the population at the perspective of the Left coming to power. The Chilean Left labeled this strategy of using fear as the “Terror Campaign.”

scholarly journals Atypical case of mucous membrane pemphigoid in a 26-year-old man

2018 ◽  
pp. bcr-2018-225872
Author(s):  
Deepak Sambhara ◽  
Ji Hyae Lee ◽  
Seth M Pantanelli
Keyword(s):  
Mucous Membrane ◽  
Previous History ◽  
Immunohistochemical Analysis ◽  
Mucous Membrane Pemphigoid ◽  
Epithelial Basement Membrane ◽  
The Face ◽  
History Of ◽  
The One ◽  
The Right ◽  
High Index Of Suspicion

A 26-year-old Caucasian man with no previous history of chemical injury presenting with an inability to open his right eye was investigated for mucous membrane pemphigoid and treated. Examination was notable for symblepharon of the right eye and impetigo-like lesions on the face and neck. A biopsy with immunohistochemical analysis was significant for linear deposits of C3 and immunoglobulin G at the level of the epithelial basement membrane, confirming the diagnosis of mucous membrane pemphigoid. Although mucous membrane pemphigoid classically presents bilaterally in women in the sixth and seventh decades of life, our patient was a young man with unilateral cicatrising conjunctivitis who may have been easily misdiagnosed without a high index of suspicion. A biopsy is required in cases of cicatrising conjunctivitis so that even atypical cases such as the one presented herein can be appropriately managed.

From a Five to a Six-Party System? Prospects of the Right-wing Extremist NPD

2009 ◽  
Vol 27 (2) ◽  
pp. 92-107 ◽  
Author(s):  
Frank Decker ◽  
Lazaros Miliopoulos
Keyword(s):  
Democratic Party ◽  
Party System ◽  
The Other ◽  
Political Environment ◽  
Right Wing ◽  
Electoral Success ◽  
Nazi Ideology ◽  
Nazi Past ◽  
The One ◽  
The Right

Right-wing extremist and populist parties operate in a rather difficult social and political environment in Germany, rendering notable electoral success fairly improbable, especially when compared to other European countries. The main reason for this is the continuing legacy of the Nazi past. Nevertheless the neo-Nazi National Democratic Party of Germany (NPD) managed to gain substantial votes in recent Land elections and became the leading force in the right-wing extremist political camp. Its success is attributable to rightwing extremist attitudes in some parts of the electorate in connection with a widespread feeling of political discontent. Nevertheless, it is questionable whether the NPD will be able to transform these attitudes into a viable ideological basis for two main reasons. On the one hand, maintaining a neo-Nazi ideology makes the NPD unattractive to many potential voters. On the other hand, given its internal power struggles and severe financial problems, the party may be unable to meet its challenges in organizational terms.

Die bayerische Landtagswahl vom 14. Oktober 2018: Signal für nachhaltigen Wandel auch im Bund?

2019 ◽  
Vol 50 (2) ◽  
pp. 223-244 ◽  
Author(s):  
Rainer-Olaf Schultze
Keyword(s):  
Party System ◽  
State Legislature ◽  
Green Party ◽  
The Social ◽  
Total Vote ◽  
High Volatility ◽  
Democratic Parties ◽  
The One ◽  
The Right ◽  
Near Future

The outcome of the election marks a deep shift not only in Bavarian politics but also corresponds to Germany’s ongoing restructuring of its electorate and the changing configuration of its party system at large: (1) The two catch-all parties suffered dramatic losses of more than ten percentage points; the conservative CSU lost its parliamentary majority in the state legislature, tallying less than 40 percent, the social-democratic SPD even less than ten percent of the total vote . (2) The voting behaviour is characterised by high volatility and processes of polarisation, caused by growing cleavages between town and country, between the generational as well as religious divides and the ongoing occupational differentiation in the electorate . Ideologically, these divides correlate with liberal and cosmopolitan mind-sets and (post-)modern urban lifestyles, the main electoral base of the Green party, on the one hand versus the more conservative and traditional rural electorates on the other . Their influence on the newly formed coalition between the CSU and the “Free Voters” will be more pronounced, while the populist and in part anti-pluralist electorate rallies behind the right-wing AfD . (3) In Baden-Württemberg, Bavaria and Hesse, the Green party has now replaced the SPD as the main electoral contender of the Christian-democratic parties; it remains to be seen whether their electoral fortunes can be extended to the northern and eastern parts of the country in the near future .

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