The Insulation of Local Politics Under the Nonpartisan Ballot

1959 ◽  
Vol 53 (4) ◽  
pp. 1052-1063 ◽  
Author(s):  
Oliver P. Williams ◽  
Charles R. Adrian

The purpose of this article is to analyze the relationships between partisan and nonpartisan voting patterns in four cities using nonpartisan municipal elections. It is part of a larger comparative study on the process of policy formation in middle-sized cities. The data have been used to test the nonpartisan rationale which states that the removal of party labels from the ballot insulates local elections from state and national political party influences.The “insulation” argument states that national political parties do not and cannot adequately serve the needs of the local political unit. Their intrusion into the local scene invariably represents the introduction of irrelevancies which confuse the voters and prevent them from dwelling on local issues in city elections. Thus, the nonpartisan idea is partially based on the belief that local democracy will be improved through rationalizing its political universe. Citizens will choose well if specific, pertinent, and familiar questions are posed to them.

2006 ◽  
Vol 44 (4) ◽  
pp. 543-571 ◽  
Author(s):  
Thomas Bierschenk

Ever since the ‘democratic renewal’ of 1989–90, Benin has been regarded as a model democracy in the African context. The holding of local elections in 2002–03 can be seen as the culmination of this turn to democracy. Donors attach high expectations to decentralisation and local democracy. Based on an empirical analysis of municipal elections in Parakou, the country's third-largest city, the paper tries to gauge whether these expectations have been realised. The paper argues that while multi-party democracy has been instituted under considerable pressure from the outside, the particular form it has taken derives instead from rationales of national and local politics which go back to the late colonial period, and from recent developments in Benin's rent-based economy.


2019 ◽  
pp. 43-53
Author(s):  
Yuliia BEVZ

The article is devoted to the research of the state of the legal basis of organization and functioning of political parties in Ukraine. Attention is drawn to the fact that the legal basis for the organization and functioning of political parties in Ukraine is mainly the general provisions of normative legal acts, namely: the Constitution of Ukraine, the Tax Code of Ukraine, the Law of Ukraine «On Political Parties in Ukraine», «On the Election of the President of Ukraine» , «On the Election of the People’s Deputies of Ukraine», «On the Local Elections», «On the State Registration of Legal Entities and Individuals — Entrepreneurs and Public Entities», etc. It is established that, although certain norms determine the peculiarities of creation, registration, activity and termination of political parties, their structural formations, a number of provisions of legislation regarding the organization and functioning of political parties require further elaboration. According to the results of the analysis, the main directions of improvement of the legal basis for the organization and functioning of political parties in Ukraine were proposed, in particular: clarification of the definition of the term «political party» contained in Art. 2 of the Law of Ukraine «On Political Parties in Ukraine» basing on the legal essence of this concept; defining the principles of political party activity; clarification of the list of documents submitted by the applicant for state registration of political parties; defining an exhaustive list of grounds for refusal to register a political party in order to prevent free interpretation by the bodies of registration of the provisions of legislation; specifying the procedure for state registration of political parties and providing additional time for eliminating deficiencies in the documents submitted for registration (suspension of consideration of documents submitted for state registration); determining the procedure for adopting, registering amendments and additions to the statute of a political party; the procedure for convening and holding the constituent congress (conferences, meetings), the procedure for forming and powers of governing party bodies; the need to determine the status of property after the cessation of political party activity. It is proposed to amend certain articles of the Law of Ukraine «On Political Parties in Ukraine» and the Law of Ukraine «On State Registration of Legal Entities and Individuals — Entrepreneurs and Public Formations».


2021 ◽  
Vol 8 (2) ◽  
pp. 185-208
Author(s):  
Ricky Wai-Kay Yue

Abstract The Pa-O National Organisation (pno) was the only pro-regime ethnic political party that managed to retain all its seats in the 2015 Myanmar election. Amid accusations of rampant land grabbing and faced strong competitions from political parties at the national, regional and local levels, how did the pno manage to secure the seats? Through quantitative analysis, the paper noted a statistically significant volatility in the turnover of village tract leaders (vtl s) in the township where resistance was strongest. This in turn suggested that the pno relied on the vtl s to enforce social control. There is a clear gap in existing literature on how social control is constructed at the local level. Applying the state-in-society theoretical framework by Migdal, this paper aims to identify the ‘implementer’ in the crucial process of social control in the Pa-O saz, thereby helping to shed light on how local politics work.


2011 ◽  
Vol 9 (4) ◽  
pp. 297-310
Author(s):  
Gissur Ó Erlingsson ◽  
Richard Öhrvall

In Sweden, one out of six councillors leave council before their term ends, which is often claimed to signal a crisis for democracy. We critically scrutinize this by surveying the motives behind dropping out. The claim may be right if political motives dominate, but if private motives dominate, dropouts do not signal a crisis for democracy. Questionnaires were sent to all premature dropouts from 2002-2006 and 2006-2009 in 13 municipalities. We find that private reasons dominate, and a majority of the respondents report that they enjoyed their time in council. Therefore premature dropouts cannot be claimed to signal a crisis for local democracy. Keywords: • de-recruitment • premature dropouts • local politics • political parties • local government


2017 ◽  
Vol 1 (2) ◽  
Author(s):  
Desriadi Desriadi

Abstract Individual candidacy in local elections is expected to produce more aspirational, qualified, and strongly committed regional leaders. Individual candidates in the Regional Head Election are also an alternative to accommodate the human rights of every Indonesian Citizen who does not run through a political party. The existence of individual candidates will surely break the partitocracy (political party dominated democracy) and the oligarchy of political parties so that the aspirations of the bottom get a place in the political process. With the allowance of individual candidates, it will enable the birth of candidates from the public who are considered more qualified public than just a figure who carried a handful of political party elites. On the other hand, the increased support of the people towards the existence of individual candidates should be seen as an effort to increase people's political participation in the regional head elections and the implementation of more accommodative and democratic regional elections. Up to now it should be recognized that the nomination of regional head is dominated by political parties. The absence of a transparent and democratic recruitment system led to this process being influenced more by political party elites and political brokers. The position of the political party becomes very central because all candidates must pass there and of course a candidate will not get the ticket of the political party for free. With the regulation allowing individual candidates will directly push the process of internal democratization of political parties to be more selective and democratic in determining the candidates. The type of research conducted is descriptive qualitative research, namely research conducted describes the situation of elections of regional heads. The analysis conducted in this research is qualitative analysis by drawing deductive conclusions that is drawing conclusions from things that are general to things that are special. Keywords: pemilukada, regional autonomy Abstrak Pencalonan perseorangan dalam pemilihan kepala daerah diharapkan menghasilkan pemimpin daerah yang lebih aspiratif, berkualitas, dan berkomitmen kuat menyejahterakan rakyat. Calon perseorangan dalam Pilkada juga sebagai alternatif untuk mengakomodasi Hak Asasi Manusia (HAM) politik setiap Warga Negara Indonesia (WNI) yang tidak mencalonkan diri melalui partai politik. Adanya calon perseorangan tentunya akan mendobrak partitokrasi (demokrasi yang didominasi partai politik) dan oligarki partai politik agar aspirasi dari bawah mendapatkan tempat dalam proses politik. Dengan diperkenankannya calon perseorangan, maka akan memungkinkan lahirnya calon dari masyarakat yang dianggap publik lebih berkualitas daripada sekedar figur yang diusung segelintir elit partai politik. Di sisi lain, meningkatnya dukungan rakyat terhadap keberadaan calon perseorangan harus dilihat sebagai upaya meningkatkan partisipasi politik rakyat dalam pemilihan kepala daerah dan terselenggaranya pemilihan kepala daerah yang lebih akomodatif dan demokratis. Hingga kini harus diakui pencalonan kepala daerah lebih banyak didominasi partai politik. Tidak adanya sistem rekuitmen yang transparan dan demokratis menyebabkan proses ini lebih banyak dipengaruhi oleh elit partai politik dan para broker politik. Posisi partai politik menjadi sangat sentral karena semua calon harus lewat sana dan tentunya seorang calon tak akan memperoleh tiket partai politik tersebut dengan gratis. Dengan adanya regulasi yang memperkenankan calon perseorangan secara langsung akan mendorong proses demokratisasi internal partai politik untuk lebih selektif dan demokratis dalam menentukan calon-calonnya. Jenis Penelitian yang dilakukan adalah penelitian deskriptif kualitatif, yaitu penelitian yang dilakukan menggambarkan situasi pemilihan kepala daerah. Analisis yang dilakukan dalam penelitian ini adalah analisis kualitatif dengan menarik kesimpulan secara deduktif yaitu menarik kesimpulan dari hal-hal yang bersifat umum kepada hal-hal yang bersifat khusus. Kata Kunci : pemilukada, otonomi daerah


2017 ◽  
Vol 6 (1) ◽  
pp. 17-20
Author(s):  
Dorina Bërdufi

Abstract The paper concentration is on the number of votes each political party acquired in the 2015 local elections. A constant debate and dispute is performed regarding vote counting manipulating, such as vote steeling, uncounted votes, corruption of vote counters, vote buying etc. Thus, statistical calculation on 2015 national results are subject of first digit Benford’s Law application. The result shows that all first digit number groups of parties′ normal distribution rate of votes do not correlate to the 1BL distribution rate. It is clear that there have been a probable vote fraud/manipulation in this election. Out of three main political parties of Albania, being also parliamentary ones, only one the Socialist Party shows lost vote’s number in the group it belongs. Instead the Socialist Movement for Integration and Democratic Party show an increasing one.


2021 ◽  
Vol 13 (2) ◽  
pp. 332
Author(s):  
Syarkawi Syarkawi ◽  
Hendri Koeswara ◽  
Desna Aromatica

This study aims to determine the existence of local political parties in Aceh in the 2009-2019 legislative elections. The presence of local political parties in Aceh is a the result of the peace conflict between the Free Aceh Movement (GAM) and the Government Republic of Indonesia. The birth of a local political party in Aceh brought considerable influence large in the control of seats in the parliament in Aceh in its first participation in the 2009 legislative elections. However, his presence continues to experience According to him, the decline was in line with the number of votes in the next legislative election. This study aims to measure the existence of local political parties in Aceh in terms of 2009-2019 legislative elections. The research method uses the method qualitative descriptive with research focus on legislative elections at the provincial level Aceh in 2009-2019. The data collection techniques used are: interviews and documentation studies. The results showed that the existence of the party Aceh's local politics continues to decline as the number of votes and local political party seats in the 2014 and 2019 legislative elections when compared to the 2009 legislative elections. The decline in the existence of parties local politics in Aceh is measured from the concept of systemic degree, value identity, degree of autonomy and public knowledge


2019 ◽  
Vol 20 (2) ◽  
pp. 346-363
Author(s):  
Muhammad Rajiv Syarif

The existence of local political parties in outline is a new alternative to the implementation of local democratic processes in Aceh are not specifically for Islamization issues. In the political record, the process of electing leaders in Aceh Province has been noted for three times (2006, 2012 and 2017). Aceh continues to move dynamically with political activities that are often rarely predictable or new conflicts that are sometimes expected to occur during democratic parties. This paper examines factors of voter's behavior and political identity in Aceh after the signing peace agreement in 2005 as well as analyzes the regional elections in 2017 and the Islamization issue within it. It will be explained that the behavior of voters in the Aceh regional election is very crucial. The election runs successfully by playing the identity of the political party in the Islamic shari'a area bringing issues in local implementation's policy. Finally, the crisis of trust that has been happening to national political parties has become one of the benchmarks for people to participate in the implementation of local democracy through the emergence of local political parties in Aceh.


2021 ◽  
Vol 3 (2) ◽  
pp. 124-136
Author(s):  
Zaldi Rusnaedy ◽  
Fatma Fatma ◽  
Almuhajir Haris

The pragmatism of political parties is one of the causes for the proliferation of political dynasties and the massive number of single candidates in several electoral politics periods at the local level. The implementation of the 2020 local election simultaneously gave birth to many candidates who have a kinship with political officials both at the central and regional levels, both currently or who have served. Apart from the practice of dynastic politics, a single candidate's presence also adds to the problems in the democratic process at the local level. A single candidate is present as a consequence of implementing the local election system simultaneously, which opens wide the opportunity for the local election to be held even though only one pair of regional head candidates are joined, as a consequence, the empty column is presented as the opponent of the match. This article collects data through a literature study. To answer these two phenomena, the author examines them during the local election implementation. This study indicates that these two phenomena co-opt local democracy and clog the circulation of the leadership elite. Both political dynasty candidates and single candidates have enormous potential to win elections. Both phenomena are caused by poor internal recruitment and candidate selection processes.


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