The Texas-Mexican and the Politics of South Texas

1930 ◽  
Vol 24 (3) ◽  
pp. 606-627 ◽  
Author(s):  
O. Douglas Weeks

Politics has been referred to by a recent writer as a “great game,” which, it may be added, is played ordinarily, not in a political vacuum between a majority and an opposing minority, but rather by groups organized on an economic, social, religious, or racial basis, which coalesce with each other and fall apart only to make new combinations. This process may readily be seen if one turns the telescope on the national political firmament, but it cannot be understood in the minutias of its ceaseless activity unless the microscope be applied to relatively small localities. The state of Texas, because of its wide extent and consequent variations of social and political phenomena, presents an admirable laboratory for this microscopic method of attack. It is proposed here to apply this method to a particular political section of Texas which has recently attracted some attention.The section referred to is that extreme southern portion of the state lying, in general, south of the Nueces River and east of Laredo, embracing thirteen counties and aggregating in area some 18,000 square miles. There are a number of reasons why it merits attention. The first and foremost is that the major element of its population is Mexican in race, but to a large extent American born. Many of these Mexican-Americans are descendants of the first settlers. It was rather the Anglo-American who was the newcomer. Obviously, therefore, the usual process of racial adjustment has been somewhat reversed. The American found the Mexican, and it was the Mexican to whom he to some extent adjusted himself.

Author(s):  
Robert Gwardyński

The Police constitute a major element in the state security system. Their operation has both a national and local dimension. The Police have an impact on a local community’s security, ensuring the safety of people, their health, life, property, as well as maintaining public safety and order. This article aims to indicate the areas of the Police’s operation that result in an improvement of the residents’ safety and an increase in their sense of security.


Check List ◽  
2015 ◽  
Vol 11 (6) ◽  
pp. 1807 ◽  
Author(s):  
Pushpi Singh ◽  
Krishna Pal Singh ◽  
Ajay Ballabh Bhatt

The paper reports the occurrence of 404 species of microlichens belonging to 105 genera and 39 families known so far, from the state of Arunachal Pradesh, a part of the Himalaya biodiversity hotspot. Twelve species, namely Arthopyrenia saxicola, Arthothelium subbessale, Diorygma macgregorii, D. pachygraphum, Graphis nuda, G. oligospora, G. paraserpens, G. renschiana, Herpothallon japonicum, Megalospora atrorubricans, Porina tijucana and Rhabdodiscus crassus, are new distributional records for India. Astrothelium meghalayense (Makhija & Patw.) Pushpi Singh & Kr. P. Singh and Astrothelium subnitidiusculum (Makhija & Patw.) Pushpi Singh & Kr. P. Singh are proposed as new combinations and 66 species marked by an asterisk (*) are new distributional records for the state.


MaRBLe ◽  
2019 ◽  
Vol 1 ◽  
Author(s):  
Roelien Van der Wel

This paper discusses different strategies of climate change denial and focusses on the specific case of Dutch politician Thierry Baudet. Much of the literature concerning climate change denial focusses on Anglo-American cases, therefore more research non-English speaking countries is necessary. The theoretical framework describes the state of the art concerning climate change denialism and its links to occurring phenomena in Western societies and politics such as post-truth and populism. Afterwards, by conducting a deductive analysis of  Thierry Baudet’s climate denialism in the Netherlands, a more thorough understanding of the different strategies proposed by Stefan Rahmstorf  and Engels et al. is reached. Although all four categories are detected in Baudet’s denialism, consensus denial seems to be the most prevalent. The analysis of his usage of the notion of a climate apocalypse, combined with the analysis of his specific focus on consensus denial, broadens the understanding of how climate change denial can relate to populism. 


2020 ◽  
pp. 201-208
Author(s):  
Conor McCarthy

The Conclusion restates the book’s four key arguments. Firstly, legal exclusion in various related forms is a tactic of power. Secondly, legal exclusion is an enduring phenomenon, alive and well in disturbing new combinations in the twentieth and twenty-first century West. Thirdly, exclusion from law is a shared concern for the literature of outlawry and the literature of espionage, and hence a key theme in a range of writings about the state and its actions from the Middle Ages to the present day. Finally, the role of literature here is often to offer critique: in offering such critique it shares with law a demand for justice.


2018 ◽  
Vol 11 (1) ◽  
pp. 1-27
Author(s):  
Phillip M. Carter ◽  
Tonya E. Wolford

Abstract This study investigates variation in the grammatical system of Spanish in the speech of three generations of Mexican Americans living in a community in South Texas, United States, characterized by high levels of bilingualism and long-term, sustained contact between languages. Two variables are studied using quantitative methods: (1) the extension of the copula verb estar into domains traditionally confined to ser and (2) the expansion of progressive forms at the expense of the simple present. The data reported here suggest changes-in-progress that appear to be accelerated by the linguistic and sociocultural conditions of the community including, especially, lack of access to formal education in Spanish. The sociolinguistic patterning for these variables is compared to patterning for the same variables reported in the literature in both monolingual communities in Spain and Latin America and bilingual communities in the United States.


2020 ◽  
Vol 9 (1) ◽  
pp. 23-40
Author(s):  
Charleen Chiong

Much Anglo-American and European literature describes relations between low-income groups and public sector institutions as characterised by disenfranchisement and distance ‐ particularly within critiques of neoliberal policies and imaginaries. This article draws on in-depth interviews with 12 low-income families to explore why there are unexpectedly close home‐school relations in Singapore. Three reasons grounded in families’ perceptions of the state and school are elucidated: (1) competence ‐ of the Singapore state and its teachers in preparing children for success; (2) care ‐ of the state and teachers towards children’s wellbeing; and (3) communication ‐ frequent dialogue resulting in collaborative childrearing approaches between home and school. However, while these can contribute to close, collaborative home‐school relations, the wider politics and power dynamics of these relations ‐ as well as their effects on families’ lives ‐ is worth further unpacking.


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