The German Reichstag Elections of 1930

1930 ◽  
Vol 24 (4) ◽  
pp. 989-995
Author(s):  
James K. Pollock
Keyword(s):  
Point Of View ◽  
Social Democrats ◽  
Economic Point ◽  
Local Taxes ◽  
The Social ◽  
National Socialists ◽  
It Support ◽  
The Government ◽  
German People ◽  
Increased Strength

Casting the largest popular vote yet recorded in any election in Germany, the German people elected on Sunday, September 14, 1930, the fifth Reichstag under the Weimar constitution. Using Article 48, the Brüning government had put into effect certain emergency measures which it considered necessary to alleviate the existing economic situation. But when called upon to pass upon these decrees, the Reichstag rejected them; whereupon the President, on the advice of the cabinet, dissolved the Reichstag and ordered new elections.The campaign occurred in a time of serious economic depression. Nearly three million unemployed persons were in receipt of government relief, either national or local. Taxes had been increased, salaries decreased, and there was widespread dissatisfaction. The government headed by Chancellor Brüning, from its inception a minority cabinet, appealed to the country to return to power with increased strength the parties which had given it support. On the other hand, the government was severely attacked by the Social Democrats for its use of Article 48; by the Nationalists because of its support of the Young Plan; by the Communists on general principles; and last, but not least, by the National Socialists led by Adolf Hitler, not on general principles, but without any principles at all! In many respects this election resembled the May election of 1924 more closely than the election of 1928.Not only was the election of critical importance to Germany and the world from an economic point of view, but it was also of great moment in the evolution of German political parties and democratic institutions in general.

The DollfuΒ Ministry: The Demise of the Nationalrat

2001 ◽  
Vol 32 ◽  
pp. 125-147 ◽  
Author(s):  
R. John Rath
Keyword(s):  
Financial Support ◽  
National Socialist ◽  
Social Democrats ◽  
The Social ◽  
First Republic ◽  
Form Of Government ◽  
National Socialists ◽  
The Government ◽  
Great Danger ◽  
Made In

The demise of Parliament in March 1933 was the most significant single act in the march to semifascism in Austria, which began with the formation of the Heimwehr in the early days of the First Republic and was well under way when significant changes were made in the government on September 21,1933, and a concentration camp was established at Wöllersdorf a few days later. Traditional democratic means were employed to abolish Parliament. Dollfuβ, the Heimwehr, and the Christian Social Party only did what parties in power in democracies do when under attack. They used all the means at their disposal to protect their government from being overthrown. The Social Democrats and Greater Germans, likewise, employed only democratic means in their effort to overthrow the Dollfuβ regime and to preserve a democratically elected Parliament. Dollfuβ and the leaders of all but the National Socialist Party in Austria were well aware of the great danger to Austria that stemmed from the intensification of National Socialist efforts to overthrow a democratic form of government in Austria after Hitler came to power in Germany and knew that the German National Socialists were providing financial support to the Austrian Greater German Party to support them in their efforts to take control of Austria.

Nazistowski mord na Żydach w prasie polskich komunistów (1942–1944).

2006 ◽  
pp. 54-75
Author(s):  
Klaus Peter Friedrich
Keyword(s):  
Shared Responsibility ◽  
The Political ◽  
Right Wing ◽  
Social Democrats ◽  
The Social ◽  
The Government ◽  
Post War ◽  
Polish Government ◽  
The Right ◽  
Political Right

Facing the decisive struggle between Nazism and Soviet communism for dominance in Europe, in 1942/43 Polish communists sojourning in the USSR espoused anti-German concepts of the political right. Their aim was an ethnic Polish ‘national communism’. Meanwhile, the Polish Workers’ Party in the occupied country advocated a maximum intensification of civilian resistance and partisan struggle. In this context, commentaries on the Nazi judeocide were an important element in their endeavors to influence the prevailing mood in the country: The underground communist press often pointed to the fate of the murdered Jews as a warning in order to make it clear to the Polish population where a deficient lack of resistance could lead. However, an agreed, unconditional Polish and Jewish armed resistance did not come about. At the same time, the communist press constantly expanded its demagogic confrontation with Polish “reactionaries” and accused them of shared responsibility for the Nazi murder of the Jews, while the Polish government (in London) was attacked for its failure. This antagonism was intensified in the fierce dispute between the Polish and Soviet governments after the rift which followed revelations about the Katyn massacre. Now the communist propaganda image of the enemy came to the fore in respect to the government and its representatives in occupied Poland. It viewed the government-in-exile as being allied with the “reactionaries,” indifferent to the murder of the Jews, and thus acting ultimately on behalf of Nazi German policy. The communists denounced the real and supposed antisemitism of their adversaries more and more bluntly. In view of their political isolation, they coupled them together, in an undifferentiated manner, extending from the right-wing radical ONR to the social democrats and the other parties represented in the underground parliament loyal to the London based Polish government. Thereby communist propaganda tried to discredit their opponents and to justify the need for a new start in a post-war Poland whose fate should be shaped by the revolutionary left. They were thus paving the way for the ultimate communist takeover

Party-Political and Socio-Economic Сonsequences of Elections to the German Bundestag

2021 ◽  
pp. 24
Author(s):  
V.B. Belov
Keyword(s):  
Point Of View ◽  
The European Union ◽  
Social Democrats ◽  
The Social ◽  
Angela Merkel ◽  
The Face ◽  
German Bundestag ◽  
The Impact ◽  
Further Development

The article examines the results of the last Bundestag elections. They marked the end of the Angela Merkel era and reflected the continuation of difficult party-political and socio-economic processes in the informal leader of the European Union. The main attention of the research focuses on the peculiarities of the election campaign of the leading parties and of the search for ways of further development of Germany in the face of urgent economic and political challenges. These challenges include the impact of the coronavirus crisis, the impact of the energy and digital transition to a climate-neutral economy, and the complex international situation. Based on original sources, the author analyzes the causes of the SPD victory and the CDU/CSU bloc defeat, the results of the negotiations of the Social Democrats with the Greens and Liberals, the content of the coalition agreement from the point of view of the prospects for the development of domestic and foreign policy and the economy of Russia's main partner in the west of the Eurasian continent. The conclusion is made about the absence of breakthrough ideas, the consistent continuation of the course started by the previous government for a carbon-free economy and the strengthening of the role of Germany in Europe and the world. For this course, conflicts and problems in achieving the set goals will be immanent due to the compromising nature of the coalition agreements.

New Romanian coalition will retreat from reform

2021 ◽  
Keyword(s):  
Civil Society ◽  
Liberal Party ◽  
Social Democrats ◽  
Content Type ◽  
The Social ◽  
The Government

Significance This autumn, bitter conflict between the National Liberal Party (PNL) and the Save Romania Union (USR) ended a brief period of centre-right rule, after years of domination by the Social Democrats (PSD). Former army chief Nicolae Ciuca heads the government, which the PSD dominates alongside a much-weakened PNL. Impacts The government may struggle to persuade a suspicious populace to back vaccination, given previous PSD reluctance for anti-COVID-19 measures. The pandemic may deter civil society from mobilising against abuses of power to the extent it did during the last PSD government. The government's dilemma will be curbing the justice system's independence without provoking a strong EU reaction.

Sweden after Swedish Model

2014 ◽  
pp. 53-64
Author(s):  
I. Grishin
Keyword(s):  
Social Policy ◽  
Socioeconomic Development ◽  
Social Democrats ◽  
Social State ◽  
Dominant Party ◽  
Swedish Model ◽  
The Social ◽  
Swedish Society ◽  
General Elections ◽  
The Government

Since the turn of the 1980–90s the Swedish society has undergone fundamental changes. It has altered the vector of the socioeconomic development. The social democrats have lost their position as the dominant party. They changed the course of the governmental policy from social-state to liberal one that was taken over and strengthened by the government of center-right parties after their victory in the 2006 and 2010 general elections. The social democrats have found themselves in the unprecedented since 1917 long opposition. All of this means that, despite keeping predominance of the institutional-redistributive principle of social policy, the former model of societal development has in essence consigned to history.

Embassy of the Russian Empire in Berlin on the Socialist Movement in Germany in 1890–1898

2021 ◽  
pp. 179
Author(s):  
Anna Matveeva
Keyword(s):  
Domestic Politics ◽  
Russian Empire ◽  
Point Of View ◽  
Democratic Movement ◽  
Social Democratic ◽  
The Social ◽  
Key Factor ◽  
The Government ◽  
Socialist Movement ◽  
The Russian Empire

The study focuses on assessing the representativeness and relevance of diplomatic documents for the study of key aspects of German domestic politics. Three issues are central to the analysis of the documents from the Archive of the Foreign Policy of the Russian Empire: the completeness of the indicated sources for understanding the factors of the German Empire’s inner policy; the assessment of the subjectivity of the author of diplomatic dispatches, i.e. how much the ambassador's personality determined the content of the dispatches that he sent to the ministry; the relevance of highlighting key issues of internal life in Germany from the point of view of Russian diplomats. Among constantly present in the messages, the most important was the problem of the socialist movement and the Social-Democratic Party’s activities. The socialists were mentioned for significant reasons: the repeal of the Law against the Socialists, the Berlin Conference on the Labor Protection (1890); elections to the Reichstag (1893, 1898); the Reichstag votes on issues important for Russia. The measures of counteraction to the socialists, discussed by the emperor and the government, also aroused interest. The study of archival documents (1890–1898) allows the author to draw the following conclusions. The dispatches adequately reflect the main trends in the socialist movement and the tactics of the SPD, therefore they can be used to study many internal problems faced by Germany in the course of its political evolution. The development of the social-democratic movement was rightly interpreted by Russian diplomats as one of the fundamental reasons for the internal instability of the German state during the reign of Wilhelm II. At the same time, the conclusion drawn by the diplomats can be primarily explained by the Russian imperial regime and its substantial characteristics, rather than the political realities within Germany itself. They considered parliamentarism, limiting the monarch actions (the state interests), to be the main reason for the high popularity and the broadest electoral support of the SPD. The key factor preventing the monarch from defeating the “coup parties” was defined as the activities of liberal political parties, which demanded the unconditional observance of the freedoms prescribed in the Сonstitution of 1871, as well as the prevention of the introduction of Exceptional Laws and other measures of an extraordinary nature.

ANALISIS KEBIJAKAN ALBA & PETROCARIBE NICOLAS MADURO MOROS UNTUK MENGHADAPI DOMINASI POLITIK NEOLIBERALISME AMERIKA SERIKAT DI VENEZUELA PADA TAHUN 2015 - 2017

2020 ◽  
Vol 2 (2) ◽  
Author(s):  
Laode Muhamad Fathun
Keyword(s):  
Foreign Policy ◽  
Policy Decision ◽  
The United States ◽  
Point Of View ◽  
Primary Data ◽  
Economic Point ◽  
The People ◽  
The Social ◽  
Psychological Point ◽  
Negative Effect

Poverty in this country. During the reign of Chavez and Maduro the people felt a little prosperity again, but this is what America hates because America is finding it difficult to implement its neoliberalism policy in Venezuela. After the events that continue to happen, Maduro does not remain silent. Namely by continuing Chavez's socialist policies. Here the researcher uses the theory of foreign policy decision making by Alex Mintz to explain what factors influence Maduro policy and here the researcher uses the concept of national interest to explain what Maduro's interests are in this policy, this research methodology is qualitative explanatory using interviews as data. secondary and librarian as primary data. This research finds 4 main factors in Nicolas Maduro's foreign policy. From the social condition of Venezuela itself which is very crisis-ridden to the point where there is a split between the layers of society, Maduro finally does not listen to the people's complaints to him, then from a psychological point of view, Maduro, who really hates the United States, has a very tough mindset that he is too confident in his beliefs. In order to be able to fight America, in the end his belief was not in accordance with expectations and instead had a negative effect. Therefore, it is clear that emotions play an important role in important political decisions. From an economic point of view, Venezuela is no longer able to support its own country in economic terms. If this country supports itself, there will be greater destruction

On the Road to SME Sector Development in Bangladesh

2019 ◽  
pp. 480-499
Author(s):  
Syed Abidur Rahman ◽  
Noor Hazlina Ahmad ◽  
Seyedeh Khadijeh Taghizadeh
Keyword(s):  
Economic Development ◽  
Literature Review ◽  
Secondary Data ◽  
Point Of View ◽  
Policy Makers ◽  
Economic Point ◽  
The Road ◽  
Multidisciplinary Study ◽  
The Social ◽  
On The Road

Entrepreneurship has been deliberated as multidimensional and multidisciplinary study. From the economic point of view entrepreneurship is the central force for economic development for any nation. Scholars and policy makers now have started to see entrepreneurship as panacea for inclusive growth. Entrepreneurships are most widely popular and discussed area. Study on small and medium sized enterprises (SMEs) has been maturing for the last decade as it has been regarded as significant player for the social development along with the economic development. In Bangladesh, SMEs account for a large proportion of the total establishments in various sectors. Considering the importance of the SME sector in Bangladesh, this study intends to explore and sketch-out the landscape of current SME setting in Bangladesh. With this aim the study has extensively carried out literature review, observed and understood the secondary data obtained from various organizations, and finally presented a policy driven recommendation (micro and macro level) which would enable to develop the SME sector in a developing country like Bangladesh.

scholarly journals Photovoltaic Solar Systems in Multi-Headquarter Institutions: A Technical Implementation in Northeastern Brazil

Energies ◽  
2020 ◽  
Vol 13 (10) ◽  
pp. 2659 ◽  
Author(s):  
Hélio Henrique Cunha Pinheiro ◽  
Neilton Fidélis da Silva ◽  
David Alves Castelo Branco ◽  
Márcio Giannini Pereira
Keyword(s):  
Science And Technology ◽  
Point Of View ◽  
Photovoltaic System ◽  
Northeastern Brazil ◽  
Economic Point ◽  
Technical Performance ◽  
Financial Gain ◽  
Federal Institute ◽  
The Government ◽  
Education Science

The use of photovoltaic solar technology is increasingly widespread and consolidated worldwide, gaining significant interest in Brazil. Thanks to records of gradual photovoltaic system price decreases and the construction of legal frameworks favorable to their diffusion, urban and rural residential consumers, service companies, industries, and the government are progressively adhering to the use of this technology. In this context, it is important that institutions and companies with multiheadquarters discern whether it is more advantageous, from both a technical and economic point of view, to disperse photovoltaic systems throughout all of their headquarters or to centralize them in the offices presenting the best energy efficiency. The present study aims at answering this question. To this end, indicators recorded in the Institute of Education Science and Technology (IFRN)-Solar Project implemented by the Rio Grande do Norte Federal Institute of Education, Science and Technology, in Brazil, where 2 MWp of photovoltaic solar energy are installed in 19 of its 22 headquarters, were evaluated. The PVWatts Software, energy measurements at the different plant installation locations and technical performance parameters recurrent in the literature, as well as the Discounted Payback Method were used herein. The results indicate that system centralization in the best-evaluated sites (7 campi) will, in 25 years, provide a 9.07% energy supply gain, a 112.96% financial gain, and a payback reduction of 8.9 years when compared to the alternative comprising generation unit dispersion throughout the 19 campi.

scholarly journals Citizen Action as a Driving Force of Change. The Meninas of Canido, Art in the Street as an Urban Dynamizer

2020 ◽  
Vol 12 (2) ◽  
pp. 740
Author(s):  
María José Piñeira Mantiñán ◽  
Francisco R. Durán Villa ◽  
Ramón López Rodríguez
Keyword(s):  
Point Of View ◽  
Structured Interviews ◽  
Economic Point ◽  
Neighborhood Association ◽  
Urban Art ◽  
Social Innovations ◽  
The Government ◽  
Western Spain ◽  
High Degree ◽  
The Impact

The austerity policies imposed by the government in the wake of the 2007 crisis have deteriorated the welfare state and limited neighborhood recovery. Considering the inability and inefficiency on the part of administrations to carry out improvement actions in neighborhoods, it is the neighborhood action itself that has carried out a series of resilient social innovations to reverse the dynamics. In this article, we will analyze the Canido neighborhood in Ferrol, a city in north-western Spain. Canido is traditional neighborhood that was experiencing a high degree of physical and social deterioration, until a cultural initiative called “Meninas of Canido,” promoted by one of its artist neighbors, recovered its identity and revitalized it from a physical, social, and economic point of view. Currently, the Meninas of Canido has become one of the most important urban art events in Spain and has receives international recognition. The aim of this article is to evaluate the impact that this action has had in the neighborhood. For this, we conducted a series of semi-structured interviews with the local administration, neighborhood association, the precursors of this idea, merchants, and some residents in general, in order to perceive the reception and evolution of this action.

Sign in / Sign up

Export Citation Format

Share Document