Minority Governments in Sweden

1928 ◽  
Vol 22 (2) ◽  
pp. 407-413
Author(s):  
Florence E. Janson
Keyword(s):  
Rural Communities ◽  
Urban Communities ◽  
Present Situation ◽  
Single Group ◽  
Social Democrats ◽  
Parliamentary System ◽  
Lower House ◽  
The Social ◽  
Official Organ ◽  
Parliamentary Reform

The outstanding aspect of the Swedish parliamentary system in recent years has been a series of minority governments. Six ministries since 1920 have been able to muster only a minority support in the Riksdag. This inability of any party to obtain a majority may be attributed in part to the fact that six parties, four major and two minor, are represented. A brief review of party history may assist in understanding the present situation.The parliamentary reform of 1866 which abolished the four estates of the old Riksdag and established a two-chamber parliament substituted parties for classes. The organization of the two houses resulted in Conservative control of the first chamber and Agrarian (Lantmannapartiets) domination of the second. The practice of voting jointly on bills rejected by one house saved the situation from becoming a deadlock. In 1888 the issue of protection temporarily split the Agrarian party, but it reunited in 1895 on a moderate protectionist platform. This party represented the rural communities of the kingdom and was by nature conservative. As the cities grew in population, a party more representative of the middle class in the urban communities, the Liberals, gained strength. In 1903 the Liberals captured 102 seats in the second chamber; and, in opposition to the Conservatives, they organized their first ministry under Staaff in 1905. The increasing industrialization of Sweden resulted in the emergence of a fourth party, the Social Democrats, composed largely of the laboring classes. Hjalmar Branting, editor of the party's official organ, Socialdemokraten, was elected to the Riksdag in 1896; but for a number of years the Social Democrats controlled only a few seats. The franchise reforms of 1911 and 1921 resulted in great accessions of strength, and since 1919 this party has been the strongest single group in both houses. It now lacks only twelve of having a majority in the lower house, thirty-five of having a majority in both houses. Its adherents hope to close this gap at the elections of next autumn.

BUDAYA KOMUNIKASI MASYARAKAT PERKOTAAN

2020 ◽  
Vol 3 (1) ◽  
pp. 30-37
Author(s):  
Bob Andrian
Keyword(s):  
Rural Communities ◽  
Urban Communities ◽  
Social Order ◽  
Academic Community ◽  
Cultural Aspects ◽  
The Social ◽  
Border Communities ◽  
Work Level ◽  
General Aspects

Many experts believe that in the sociological paradigm an order of community life is dynamic in nature, in accordance with the factors that shape the social construction of the community itself. These factors include those contained in the social order itself, ethnicity, race, religion, culture, type of work, level of education, social status, and other elements. These elements will be an important factor in shaping cultures in society. Included in it is the mainstay culture between elements of society, which is then known as the culture of communication. In terms of general aspects, the classification of society is very diverse. Some are known as peripheral communities, border communities, industrial societies, laborers, even including the academic community. However, in terms of geography or demography, there are two classifications of society, namely rural communities and urban communities. Where in between, inspiration certainly has differences and characteristics of each, especially in the cultural aspects, namely the culture of communication.

The Recent Parliamentary Elections in Sweden

1941 ◽  
Vol 35 (1) ◽  
pp. 107-108
Author(s):  
Ben A. Arneson
Keyword(s):  
Political Parties ◽  
Prime Minister ◽  
Social Democrats ◽  
Parliamentary Elections ◽  
Scandinavian Peninsula ◽  
The People ◽  
Lower House ◽  
The Social

With the tense international situation as an ominous background, the regular quadrennial parliamentary elections for the lower house were held in Sweden in September, 1940. Four years ago, the autumn of 1936 witnessed spirited and warmly contested parliamentary elections in both Sweden and Norway. Because Norway's constitution was amended in 1937 to provide for quadrennial rather than triennial elections, the autumn of 1940 would—save for the German invasion of the Norwegian democracy—have seen nation-wide parliamentary elections in both countries of the Scandinavian peninsula. With Sweden as the only Scandinavian nation remaining free and independent, it has been interesting to note what effect, if any, the tremendous pressures from the surrounding totalitarian states has had on democratic processes in the Swedish state.Over a year ago, the Swedish cabinet was reorganised into a National Cabinet with all leading political parties represented. As the time for the elections approached, some of the minority parties expressed willingness to postpone the contest, even to the extent of ignoring the constitutional provision for quadrennial elections. The remarkable expression of confidence by the smaller parties in the largest party—the Social Democrats—was countered by an equally remarkable stand taken by the leader of the Social Democrats, Prime Minister Per Albin Hansson, who insisted that the democratic processes of a popular election should be continued. The prime minister's view was accepted by all parties, since it was felt by all leaders that in such a time of stress it would be an indication of democratic strength for the parliament to go to the people. All were agreed also that the parties which would, in normal times, be in opposition should continue as vital going concerns.

The Alternative Liste Westberlin and the Evolution of the West German Left

2016 ◽  
Vol 34 (3) ◽  
pp. 26-54
Author(s):  
Keith Alexander
Keyword(s):  
Federal Republic ◽  
Environmental Protection ◽  
Political Organization ◽  
Parliamentary Democracy ◽  
The West ◽  
Social Democrats ◽  
Parliamentary System ◽  
The Social ◽  
West Berlin ◽  
Integrative Effect

In October 1978, diverse members of the West Berlin Left founded the Alternative Liste für Demokratie und Umweltschutz (Alternative Ballot for Democracy and Environmental Protection, AL). This article examines the origins and evolution of the AL. Initially, the new political organization fundamentally opposed the parliamentary system. Within three years, however, the AL won a significant presence in the West Berlin Parliament, and in 1989, the party joined the Social Democrats in governing West Berlin. The AL’s parliamentary participation had a moderating, integrative effect on the party and its members. From the late 1970s through the end of the 1980s, a significant segment of the radical West German Left grew to accept parliamentary democracy, demonstrating the strength of the Federal Republic.

Nazistowski mord na Żydach w prasie polskich komunistów (1942–1944).

2006 ◽  
pp. 54-75
Author(s):  
Klaus Peter Friedrich
Keyword(s):  
Shared Responsibility ◽  
The Political ◽  
Right Wing ◽  
Social Democrats ◽  
The Social ◽  
The Government ◽  
Post War ◽  
Polish Government ◽  
The Right ◽  
Political Right

Facing the decisive struggle between Nazism and Soviet communism for dominance in Europe, in 1942/43 Polish communists sojourning in the USSR espoused anti-German concepts of the political right. Their aim was an ethnic Polish ‘national communism’. Meanwhile, the Polish Workers’ Party in the occupied country advocated a maximum intensification of civilian resistance and partisan struggle. In this context, commentaries on the Nazi judeocide were an important element in their endeavors to influence the prevailing mood in the country: The underground communist press often pointed to the fate of the murdered Jews as a warning in order to make it clear to the Polish population where a deficient lack of resistance could lead. However, an agreed, unconditional Polish and Jewish armed resistance did not come about. At the same time, the communist press constantly expanded its demagogic confrontation with Polish “reactionaries” and accused them of shared responsibility for the Nazi murder of the Jews, while the Polish government (in London) was attacked for its failure. This antagonism was intensified in the fierce dispute between the Polish and Soviet governments after the rift which followed revelations about the Katyn massacre. Now the communist propaganda image of the enemy came to the fore in respect to the government and its representatives in occupied Poland. It viewed the government-in-exile as being allied with the “reactionaries,” indifferent to the murder of the Jews, and thus acting ultimately on behalf of Nazi German policy. The communists denounced the real and supposed antisemitism of their adversaries more and more bluntly. In view of their political isolation, they coupled them together, in an undifferentiated manner, extending from the right-wing radical ONR to the social democrats and the other parties represented in the underground parliament loyal to the London based Polish government. Thereby communist propaganda tried to discredit their opponents and to justify the need for a new start in a post-war Poland whose fate should be shaped by the revolutionary left. They were thus paving the way for the ultimate communist takeover

“Land fever” and “Bankruptcy”: Social Problems in Hanoi’s Urbanizing Peri-urban Communities

2019 ◽  
Vol 5 (5) ◽  
pp. 550-562
Keyword(s):  
Rural Communities ◽  
Urban Communities ◽  
Agricultural Production ◽  
Social Problems ◽  
Social Issues ◽  
Field Research ◽  
Credit Market ◽  
Urbanization Process ◽  
Impact Of Urbanization ◽  
The Impact

Drawn upon field research in two peri-urban villages of Hanoi in 2014 and short re-visits recently, the research examines the widespread of gambling and other social issues in Hanoi’s urbanizing peri-urban communities which happened concurrently with the phenomenon of “land fever,” and at the time local villagers received compensation from land appropriation. The article aims to understand the impact of urbanization on these communities and the interface between urbanization and the increase of social problems. It argues that gambling, drug use, and other social problems have been existing in Vietnamese rural communities long before; however, when urbanization came, some people have higher chances to engage in these activities. Those are villagers who want to transform quickly into entrepreneurs or bosses by joining the “black credit” market and gambling. Together with middle-aged and old farmers who greatly relied on agricultural production and face difficulties in transforming their occupation, they formed the group of losers in the urbanization process. Received 6th January 2019; Revised 26th April 2019; Accepted 15th May 2019

Party preferences and political participation: the emergence of the Turkish-origin German voter

2008 ◽  
Vol 5 (1) ◽  
pp. 21-40
Author(s):  
Vera Eccarius-Kelly
Keyword(s):  
Political Participation ◽  
Voting Behavior ◽  
Green Party ◽  
Missed Opportunities ◽  
Social Democrats ◽  
Political Landscape ◽  
Turkish Origin ◽  
The Social ◽  
The Future ◽  
Specific Interests

The article examines trends in voting preferences and voting behavior of Turkish-origin German voters. Despite only representing a small percentage of the total German electorate, Turkish-origin voters are gaining an opportunity to shape the future political landscape. While the Social Democrats have benefited most directly from the minority constituency so far, this author suggests that the Green Party is poised to attract the younger, better educated, and German-born segment of the Turkish-origin voters. All other dominant national parties have ignored this emerging voting bloc, and missed opportunities to appeal to Turkish-origin voters by disregarding community-specific interests. 

The Ideology of Socialism and the Armenian Political Parties

wisdom ◽  
2020 ◽  
Vol 15 (2) ◽  
pp. 107-113
Author(s):  
Gegham HOVHANNISYAN
Keyword(s):  
Political Parties ◽  
Political Life ◽  
The Political ◽  
Political Organizations ◽  
Social Democrats ◽  
Time Period ◽  
The Social ◽  
Political Forces ◽  
The 19Th Century ◽  
The Given

The article covers the manifestations and peculiarities of the ideology of socialism in the social-political life of Armenia at the end of the 19th century and the beginning of the 20th century. General characteristics, aims and directions of activity of the political organizations functioning in the Armenian reality within the given time-period, whose program documents feature the ideology of socialism to one degree or another, are given (Hunchakian Party, Dashnaktsutyun, Armenian Social-democrats, Specifics, Socialists-revolutionaries). The specific peculiarities of the national-political life of Armenia in the given time-period and their impact on the ideology of political forces are introduced.

The Struggle Against Revolution

2017 ◽  
Author(s):  
James Retallack
Keyword(s):  
Social Democracy ◽  
National Context ◽  
Social Democrats ◽  
The Social ◽  
Rules Of The Game ◽  
Local Levels

This chapter focuses on the repression unleashed against Social Democrats in Saxony and Germany under Bismarck’s Anti-Socialist Law (1878–90). The chapter’s perspective moves between the national, regional, and local levels to assess the range of options open to those who sought to eradicate the “threat” of Social Democracy. The first section examines the national context of Bismarck’s war on socialism, while the following section considers Saxon peculiarities (opportunities and constraints). The focus falls on plans to impose the Lesser State of Siege on Leipzig. The next section discusses the Social Democrats’ continuing success in Landtag and Reichstag elections and zooms in on election battles “in the trenches.” Two final sections consider groups and individuals who played other roles in suppressing Social Democracy, in monitoring the fairness of elections, and in trying to rewrite the “rules of the game” for future election contests.

Democracy in the Plural?

2012 ◽  
Vol 7 (1) ◽  
pp. 12-35
Author(s):  
Anna Friberg
Keyword(s):  
The Political ◽  
Social Democrats ◽  
Political Issues ◽  
Political Sphere ◽  
Universal Suffrage ◽  
The Social ◽  
Concepts Of Democracy ◽  
Positive Concept

The article explores some of the composite concepts of democracy that were used in Sweden, primarily by the Social Democrats during the interwar years. Should these be seen as pluralizations of the collective singular democracy or as something qualitatively new? By showing how these concepts relate to each other and to democracy as a whole, the article argues that they should be considered statements about democracy as one entity, that democracy did not only concern the political sphere, but was generally important throughout the whole of society. The article also examines the Swedish parliamentarians' attitudes toward democracy after the realization of universal suffrage, and argues that democracy was eventually perceived as such a positive concept that opponents of what was labeled democratic reforms had to reformulate the political issues into different words in order to avoid coming across as undemocratic.

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