Black Legislators in Louisiana During Reconstruction

1977 ◽  
Vol 64 (1) ◽  
pp. 164
Author(s):  
Richard L. Hume ◽  
Charles Vincent
Keyword(s):  
Black Legislators

No Peace until the Suffrage Question Is Settled

2018 ◽  
pp. 22-37
Author(s):  
Millington W. Bergeson-Lockwood
Keyword(s):  
Civil War ◽  
Civil Rights ◽  
Black Community ◽  
Republican Party ◽  
Black Legislators

This chapter focuses on the post-civil war election of Massachusetts’ first black legislators and the debates over the Fourteenth and Fifteenth Amendments. It argues that in these early debates issues of black suffrage were central to visions of citizenship and that conflicts over the breadth of the amendments planted the seeds for future skepticism of the Republican Party. Following the passage of the amendments, portions of Boston’s black community remained unsure of Republicans’ commitment to civil rights protections.

Black Legislators in Louisiana During Reconstruction.

1977 ◽  
Vol 43 (1) ◽  
pp. 135
Author(s):  
Allen W. Trelease ◽  
Charles Vincent
Keyword(s):  
Black Legislators

Black Legislators of Reconstruction Texas

1986 ◽  
Vol 32 (4) ◽  
pp. 340-352
Author(s):  
Alwyn Barr
Keyword(s):  
Black Legislators

Black Legislators in Louisiana During Reconstruction (review)

1976 ◽  
Vol 22 (4) ◽  
pp. 366-367
Author(s):  
William Messner
Keyword(s):  
Black Legislators

REPRESENTING BLACK INTERESTS AND PROMOTING BLACK CULTURE: The Importance of African American Descriptive Representation in the U.S. House

2005 ◽  
Vol 2 (2) ◽  
pp. 227-246 ◽  
Author(s):  
Andy Baker ◽  
Corey Cook
Keyword(s):  
Identity Politics ◽  
Political Representation ◽  
Racial Background ◽  
Empirical Tests ◽  
Legislative Activities ◽  
The Relationship ◽  
Black Legislators ◽  
Practical Implications ◽  
The U.S ◽  
Group Interests

Despite considerable examination, scholars have yet to definitively establish the relationship between a legislator's racial background and his or her legislative activities. We assess the relationship between descriptive and substantive representation by discerning whether Black members of the U.S. House are more likely to promote group interests in their varied capacities as elected officials than are similarly positioned non-Black legislators. Our empirical tests utilize the most appropriate econometric models and techniques to analyze data from four Congresses spanning two distinctive districting regimes and incorporating several elements of representational behaviors. The findings are clear: Black members represent group interests more vociferously than non-Black members, including liberal non-Black Democrats from similar districts. Moreover, because Black members do not receive electoral benefits for engaging in such behavior, these legislators have policy-based motivation for representing Black interests. These results have profound practical implications for minority political representation and the future of identity politics.

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