The Brazilian Tenentes after the Revolution of 1930

1973 ◽  
Vol 15 (2) ◽  
pp. 221-248 ◽  
Author(s):  
Robert J. Alexander

The “Tenentes” or “lieutenants” were an important factor in Brazilian politics between 1922 and the end of the government of President Castelo Branco early in 1967. They had an active and occasionally decisive role in most major political events for almost half a century. The emergence of the Tenentes in the 1920s was part of a broader movement of discontent with the Old Republic, a relatively loose confederation of states dominated by rural landed interests and the politicians associated with them. Subsequently, the Tenentes played a key part in overthrowing the Old Republic in the Revolution of 1930.Getúlio Vargas came to power in the 1930 Revolution and stayed in the presidency for fifteen years. As provisional chief executive for more than three years, he suppressed a serious revolt against his authority by the state of Sao Paulo between July and October of 1932, and summoned the assembly that wrote the Constitution of 1934 and chose him to be the first president under it.

Author(s):  
A. Korotaev ◽  
L. Isaev

The authors analyze roots, causes and implications of both major political events that took place in Egypt in the last three years, namely the Tahrir Revolution of 2011 and what they call the Counterrevolution of 2013. Focus of the article is on the role of the military and the Islamists. The young educated democrats of middle class who initiated the revolution in 2011 under the slogans of combatting autocratic and corrupt government were joined by the poverty-stricken population of Cairo, by the desolate and unemployed and – what was especially important – by the Muslim Brotherhood. This combination of forces proved too strong for the army and government, Mubarak had to resign. But the urban poor who played a decisive role in the victory of the revolution had always been under a very strong influence of the Muslim Brotherhood, so it was inevitable that free and fair elections would bring the Islamists to power. Moursi became President. The Islamists, however, made a number of grave mistakes while in power, and the old elites, both economic and military/bureaucratic, did their best to sabotage the government policy. At last the army (supported by the Egyptian economic elites) came on top, so both the Muslim Brothers and the young secular democrats have lost.


2011 ◽  
Vol 38 (1) ◽  
pp. 5-22
Author(s):  

AbstractFor many communists working in the Soviet state apparatus during the 1920s, the state's continued employment of so-called “bourgeois specialists” (spetsy) was an ideological affront and an obstacle to proletarian advancement. In their eyes, until the spetsy were removed and workers staffed the institutions of the state, the revolution would be neither secure nor its promises fulfilled. Based on archival research, this article traces rank-and-file communists' attempts to remove one such specialist, N. A. Dobrosmyslov, from his position in the Tax Department (Gosnalog) of the People's Commissariat of Finances (Narkomfin). Dobrosmyslov had been a long-time official in the tsarist tax bureaucracy and had also worked for the Provisional Government in 1917. Communist opposition to him took the form of a denunciation campaign that focused on his alleged anti-Sovietism, his professional competence, his arrogant manner, his high salary, and his attempt to obtain a large pension from the government. The documents related to the case reveal the atmosphere of suspicion and often open hostility that surrounded the spetsy. They provide evidence of the contrasting evaluations of the spetsy made by leading communist administrators and by the lower-level communists who worked closely with them. They also show how important the issue of material compensation was for this latter group. Finally, the case provides an example of how biography could be interpreted and manipulated to serve particular ends, especially in the context of political and personal denunciation.


1982 ◽  
Vol 39 (2) ◽  
pp. 153-166 ◽  
Author(s):  
Donald Fithian Stevens

In the struggle sustained from time immemorial by the people with the haciendas, I shall be on the side of the people, once I obtain power.— Porfirio Díaz, 1876Given the importance of rural unrest in the destabilizing of Porfirian Mexico, it seems at least ironic to find these words attributed to Díaz during his Tuxtepec revolt. And, given the attention paid to the repressive elements of the Díaz dictatorship, one might easily argue that Díaz never intended to fulfill that promise, vague though it may be. A number of works seem to blame Díaz personally for the land problem which lead to his overthrow. Others maintain that Díaz remained aloof and was isolated from the common people; but by far the greatest number of works employ such amorphous or monolithic concepts as the “State,” the “Díaz regime,” “porjirismo,” or simply “the government” and focus exclusively on evidence of repression in Porfirian Mexico. Repression has attracted attention in part because it has been important in explaining dissatisfaction which lead to the Revolution of 1910 and in part because violence attracted a great deal of attention from contemporaries. This interest provides historians with more accessible sources while evidence of a more conciliatory attitude has remained hidden in the collection of Porfirio Díaz's presidential papers.


1983 ◽  
Vol 39 (3) ◽  
pp. 383-405 ◽  
Author(s):  
Charles H. Weston

The political legacy of Lázaro Cárdenas is marked by a striking paradox. On the one hand, Cárdenas as president of Mexico from 1934 to 1940 presided over the most radical phase of the Mexican Revolution or what some historians call the “Second Revolution.” He was instrumental in organizing industrial workers and peasants at the national level and incorporating both groups into the reorganized government party, the Partido de la Revolutión Mexicana (PRM), that had as its declared purpose the establishment of a “workers' democracy” in Mexico. Under his leadership the government supported the demands of industrial workers for higher wages and improved working conditions, greatly expanded the distribution of land to the peasantry, established new welfare programs, nationalized the railroad and petroleum industries and inaugurated a program of socialist education in the public schools. The prestige of Cárdenas as the foremost leader of the radical phase of the Revolution was enhanced by the fact that he, unlike many of his contemporaries, never attempted to use political office for personal financial gain; he was not a rich man when he completed his term of office as president. At the time of his death in 1970, Cárdenas was eulogized as “the greatest figure produced by the Revolution… an authentic revolutionary who aspired to the greatness of his country, not personal aggrandizement.” On the other hand, Cárdenas was the architect of the corporatist system of interest representation, including labor, peasant and business organizations, that provided the institutional framework of what Crane Brinton has called the “Thermidor,” i.e., the conservative reaction to the radical phase of the revolutionary process, that began in Mexico in approximately 1940. The institutions developed by Cárdenas were utilized by his successors to curtail the very reforms, such as agrarian and labor reform and socialist education, that had been central to his reform program. Moreover Cárdenas facilitated the transition to a more conservative era by naming as his successor Manuel Ávila Camacho, who was known to favor a moderation of the reform process, rather than Francisco Múgica, the preferred candidate of the radicals in the government. In short, Cárdenas played a decisive role both in presiding over the radical phase of the Revolution and in launching and shaping the relatively conservative post-1940 era. The paradox of the political legacy of Cárdenas is that though the seemingly radical reforms he carried out had a lasting impact upon Mexican politics, the impact was predominantly conservative rather than radical. This essay will endeavor to explain the paradoxical political legacy of Lázaro Cárdenas by focusing upon his ideology, the institutional reforms he carried out while president, and the impact of those reforms after 1940.


2021 ◽  
pp. 81-90
Author(s):  
Yurii Lupenko ◽  
◽  
Yurii Radionov ◽  
◽  
◽  
...  

The state financial system must function smoothly and respond promptly to destabilizing exogenous and endogenous factors that can arise at any time. Therefore, ensuring the financial system's stability and improving its mechanisms is an important component of public policy. The purpose of the article is to reveal the essence of the financial system's stability, identify internal factors of the financial vulnerability of Ukraine that may affect the effectiveness of the country's financial system, and find ways to overcome them. The content of the concept of "stability of the financial system" is revealed. It is established that the use of different terminology indicates the complexity and, at the same time, the versatility of this term. According to international experience, the country's central bank has a decisive role in assessing the stability of the financial system; in Ukraine, this function is performed by the National Bank of Ukraine. It was found that inefficient use of budget funds is one of the key factors in the financial system's vulnerability. The state of execution of the State Budget of Ukraine in 2020 is analyzed. It has been established that over the last decade, the budget has been executed with a deficit, and the existence of a significant budget deficit leads to a movement in the “debt spiral”. The Government borrows a significant amount of money to implement the budget, and therefore it is becoming increasingly difficult to attract them on reasonable terms. Failure to receive the funds leads to late spending. Thus, the budget deficit, public debt, and inefficient use of budget funds are the internal factors that increase the financial system's vulnerability and undermine its stability.


Author(s):  
Dmitry Liseitsev

Introduction. There is a significant amount of research devoted to the Zemsky Sobor of 1613, but even nowadays historians cannot agree on this event. There is a dominating concept in historiography whose supporters consider the election to the throne of Mikhail Romanov as the result of the national consensus and unity and also regard this as the end of the Time of Troubles. Meanwhile, a great number of sources indicate the decisive role of Cossacks in the enthronement process of the new dynasty founder. Possessing a numerical superiority over the supporters of the Zemsky Sobor, which did not act in full force, Cossacks achieved the proclamation of Mikhail Romanov as a Tsar. Methods and materials. Solving this contradiction in the conclusions of researchers is possible only with the widest involvement of historical sources. First of all, the documents of the last weeks and days of “mezhdutsarstvie” should be analyzed. The attempts to follow ideologically conditioned concepts cannot bring satisfactory results in the solution of scientific problems. Analysis. Document analysis of the late 1612 and the early1613 leads to the conclusion that after the liberation of Moscow, the real power in the capital was in the hands of “duumvirate” – the leaders of the militia of Pr. D.T. Trubetskoy and Pr. D.M. Pozharsky. They did not lose their influence even when many orders were officially proclaimed on behalf of the Zemsky Sobor. At the same time, Pr. Trubetskoy seriously planned to take the throne with the help of Cossacks. The unexpected intervention of Cossacks in the support of Mikhail Romanov broke Trubetskoy’s plans. Nevertheless, the “duumvirs” tried to ignore the acclamation that took place on February 21, 1613 for several days. Results. Only under the pressure of the armed Cossack mass, the government had to swear allegiance to Mikhail Romanov and begin notifying provinces on the election of a new sovereign. Despite this fact, the leaders of the people’s militia retained the influence in the capital until the arrival of Tsar Mikhail to Moscow. Thus, preserved sources allow to significantly clarify the course of political events in Moscow in the first months of 1613.


2019 ◽  
Author(s):  
A.Yu. Koblenkov ◽  
P.V. Remizov

Формирование положительного имиджа сотрудников правоохранительных органов одна из важнейших задач Министерства внутренних дел России. Кинематограф является искусством, способным наглядно продемонстрировать, как изменилось общественное мнение в связи с преобразованием милиции в полицию. Важно вспомнить положительные моменты служебной деятельности сотрудников милиции, их способность к самопожертвованию ради борьбы с преступностью. Целью работы является попытка оценить влияние кинематографа на формирование образа российского полицейского как продолжателя традиций милиционера бескорыстного, смелого и думающего борца с правонарушителями. Для ее достижения проведен анализ реальных исторических событий, художественно изображенных в фильме Холодное лето пятьдесят третьего , в результате которого авторы приходят к выводу о предпосылках формирования нового поколения российских полицейских, являющихся наследниками менталитета, психологии и традиций советской милиции.The formation of a positive image of law enforcement officers is one of the most important tasks of the Ministry of internal Affairs of Russia. Cinema is an art that can demonstrate how public opinion has changed with the transformation of the militsiya into the police. It is important to recall the positive aspects of the activities of militsiya officers, their ability to sacrifice themselves for the sake of combating crime. The aim of the work is to assess the influence of cinema on the formation of the image of the Russian police officer as a successor of the traditions of the militsiya one: a selfless, brave and thinking fighter against offenders. To achieve the aim, real historical events, artistically depicted in the film The Cold Summer of 1953, are analysed. Conclusions about the prerequisites for the formation of a new generation of Russian police officers, who are the heirs of the mentality, psychology and traditions of the Soviet militsiya, are made. The historical period considered in the film is characterised by a whole series of the most important social and political events that influenced the fate of a huge number of people in the USSR: the death of I.V. Stalin, the fiercest struggle for leadership in the party and power in the country, the surviving 1937 Syndrome, including a campaign to find and identify the Trotskyists, the enemies of the people and the traitors of the Motherland. The amnesty of the prisoners of labour correctional camps led to a sharp surge in crime, numerous victims among citizens and militsiya officers. The feature film The Cold Summer of 1953 shows a system of relationships between people from different social groups in one of the most difficult periods of the post-war state formation. The film focuses on the attitude of the population, local authorities and militsiya officers to former political prisoners. One of the most striking characters in the work is the precinct officer Mankov, a front-line soldier, a participant in the Great Patriotic War. The events of the film show that Mankov, as a representative of the authorities, is not a thoughtless cog of the state machine. He sincerely perplexes and reflects on the current events, tries to comprehend and evaluate the policy of the countrys leadership. The film presents an internal conflict in the consciousness and understanding of the militsiya officer and the confrontation between the government official and criminals intoxicated by freedom. Sacrificing his life, Mankov managed to instill hope and return the understanding of human values in the confrontation of the state, society and criminals. The image of the militsiya officer Mankov is a vivid illustration of loyalty to professional duty, respect for ordinary people, ability to reflect, and not to mindlessly carry out the received orders, which is especially valuable during the period of repression and suppression of attempts at dissent.


Author(s):  
Robert A. Karl

This chapter looks at how Marulanda's changing relationship with the state from the creole peace to the FARC owed much to the mutual transformations of ideas and practices of violence. In key moments of the transition, violence-as-practice in the countryside—particular forms of homicide in specific spatial contexts—intersected with political events in the capital to shape notions of peace and violence. One such instance came about during the very formation of the creole peace in 1959–60, when returning desplazados were met with threats and assassination. The chapter explores how, for Marulanda and others, the consequent change in relations with the government seemed to demand a return to physical force.


Author(s):  
Clive Emsley

This chapter focuses on the period of the French Revolution, which saw a greater emphasis on the creation of police institutions and particularly fostered developments in political policing designed to check any one or any group that appeared to threaten the state. The revolution, the wars, and the politics of the period helped to shape the police institutions of Europe for the generations that spanned the end of the eighteenth and the beginning of the nineteenth centuries. They also contributed to the extension of what the French term haute police and which, in 1841, had its essence defined by a prefect as ‘everything related to the security of the king and of the state and also related to public spirit, opinions manifested, news that circulates as it arrives, and the men known to be opposed to the government’. Successive regimes in France—revolutionary, Napoleonic, Restoration—developed political police to investigate internal and external threats; opponents of the French acted similarly. Political police were developed to cope with threats to what increasingly resembled the modern state, and so too were ideas and practices regarding police who could prevent crime in the streets and countryside. At the same time, popular policing and the victim’s or community’s investigations and pursuits still continued, as did victim and community discretion about how to treat a suspect.


Interscript ◽  
2021 ◽  
Author(s):  
Michele Spinicci

After the 2016 failed coup, the Turkish government implemented a series of measures that strongly restricted democratic freedoms in the country. This caused the UK media to propose a representation of the country in which the coup and the government reaction, together with the concepts of authoritarianism and censorship, played a central part. The present article aims to understand which role British trade publishing played in this new representation, analysing all the translations of trade titles from Turkish to English, published by British publishers in the UK, comparing the periods before (from 1 January 2012 to 15 July 2016) and after the coup (from 16 July 2016 to 31 December 2019). It tries to understand if some central socio-political events of contemporary Turkey, as the coup and its aftermath, the Kurdish issue, and Turkish intervention in the Syrian war, have had more space in the translations published in the UK after the coup. It also investigates if, after the coup, the choice of titles and authors to translate has been influenced, and if given paratextual elements (specifically, books’ descriptions on the British publishers’ websites) have shown a tendency of being linked to Turkey’s contemporary socio-political situation. It then presents an evaluation of the behaviour of British trade publishers toward the coup and their new focus on the state of Turkish democracy.


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