Democracy, Market Economics, and Environmental Policy in Chile

1996 ◽  
Vol 38 (4) ◽  
pp. 1-33 ◽  
Author(s):  
Eduardo Silva

Chile’s return to democratic rule with sustained economic growth provided the opportunity for some much-welcomed political space that, it was hoped, would permit the country to attend, at long last, to a number of pressing issues which had been long deferred, if not ignored, by the previous military government. Some of those issues, such as the consolidation of democracy, poverty, and human rights, had been the subject of considerable study by scholars. Much less studied, however, although also on the agenda, was the promise to address Chile’s environmental problems, which had become much exacerbated under the laissez-faire economic model favored by the military regime. Because the new democratic administrations have followed through on that promise, the Chilean example lends support to that hypothesis which holds that environmental concerns in developing countries can be addressed more effectively under economically stable democratic regimes than by authoritarian political systems.

1997 ◽  
Vol 27 (2) ◽  
pp. 207-215 ◽  
Author(s):  
Pilar Vergara

The economic and social strategy developed by the democratic governments in Chile since 1990 has been based on the premise that free-market policies promoting growth and economic stability must continue, but should be combined with social policies designed to promote greater equality. This new set of policies produced quick and positive results in the context of strong economic growth. The reduction of poverty was its crowning achievement. However, not all the Concertación's redistributive efforts have enjoyed the same level of success. Inequalities in income distribution are again increasing. Significant segments of society, such as subsistence farmers, rural migrants to cities, women and youth who lack vocational training—as well as an important segment of the middle class that had been impoverished during the military regime—are being systematically marginalized from the benefits of economic growth and social policy. The fundamental problems of current Chilean social policy are rooted in the privatization of social sectors under the military government and the resulting dual model of social welfare.


1975 ◽  
Vol 31 (3) ◽  
pp. 335-359
Author(s):  
James H. Hitchman

The United States Military Government built a significant amount of public works in Cuba after the Spanish-American War. Under the direction of the military governor, General Leonard Wood, a large proportion of the insular budget was expended on building roads, bridges, wharves, cleaning and paving streets, purifying water, extinguishing yellow fever, disposing of refuse, and establishing charitable institutions. Of the roughly $55 million expended by the Military Government, over $22 million was spent on varied public works. While the political, diplomatic, economic, legal and educational aspects of the Military Government of Cuba have been treated elsewhere, public works have merely been mentioned. The subject was considered so important by the Military Government and was so vital to Cuba that it warrants special treatment. A description of the conditions in Cuba and the subsequent public works program will indicate the value of the work in the efforts of the Cubans and Americans to build a lasting republic.


2017 ◽  
Vol 61 (2) ◽  
pp. 253-271
Author(s):  
Olaitan Oluwaseyi Olusegun ◽  
Ifeoluwa Ayokunle Olubiyi

AbstractFood is essential for human survival. When the right quantity and quality is taken, it ensures growth and an adequate supply of nutrition to the body, which results in basic effectiveness in all spheres of life. Genetically modified crops have the potential to alleviate hunger and provide more food, especially in developing countries that have high levels of hunger, malnutrition and poverty. Although the debates on genetically modified crops generally focus on intellectual property, other issues include health and environmental concerns. This article examines these issues with the aim of providing holistic knowledge of the subject matter, which is important for stakeholders, particularly in developing countries, in deciding to protect plant variety rights. The article concludes that it is essential for developing countries to consider food security issues in fulfilling their obligations under the TRIPS Agreement.


Author(s):  
Lee J. Alston ◽  
Marcus André Melo ◽  
Bernardo Mueller ◽  
Carlos Pereira

This chapter discusses the military government and the belief in “developmentalism” which motivated the institutions put in place by the regime. Developmentalism rested on top-down technocratic planning and was a coalition between the military and the business community, both domestic and foreign. Import substitution policies along with state-led industrialization brought economic growth in the late 1960s and into the mid-1970s. But, the Brazilian miracle of the late 1960s and early 1970s began to sputter out, and, moreover, political rights became more constrained. The years of censorship and a closed political system sowed the seeds for a more open political order. Above all, the failure of the expansionist strategy of growth through import substitution accompanied by inflation and external debt became self-evident. Citizens also began to blame the government for not reducing economic and social inequality. The dominant belief that economic growth should precede social inclusion started losing political support.


2001 ◽  
Vol 19 (1) ◽  
pp. 3-21 ◽  
Author(s):  
Abdiweli M. Ali ◽  
W. Mark Crain

Abstract The impact of political systems on economic growth cannot be understood solely in terms of a simple distinction between democratic and non-democratic regimes. The democratic character of the political regime may be irrelevant when economic freedom is assessed independently from political freedom and civil liberty. This paper uses newly constructed measures of economic freedom by Gwartney-Lawson-Block [1996]. The empirical results of this paper show that economic freedom contributes to economic growth irrespective of the nature of the political regime. The empirical results also indicate that the effect of democracy on economic growth is ambiguous at best. Nonetheless, democracy may have some effect on economic growth, operating indirectly through the investment channel.


2015 ◽  
Vol 35 (2) ◽  
pp. 247-266 ◽  
Author(s):  
FABRÍCIO MISSIO ◽  
FREDERICO G. JAYME JR. ◽  
JOSÉ LUÍS OREIRO

This paper examines the structuralist tradition in economics, emphasizing the role that structures play in the economic growth of developing countries. Since the subject at hand is evidently too large to cover in a single article, an emphasis has been brought to bear upon the macroeconomic elements of such a tradition, while also exploring its methodological aspects. It begins by analysing some general aspects of structuralism in economics (its evolution and origins) associated with ECLAC thought, in this instance focusing on the dynamics of the center-periphery relationship. Thereafter, the macroeconomic structuralism derived from the works of Taylor (1983, 1991) is presented, followed by a presentation of neo-structuralism. Centred on the concept of systemic competitiveness, this approach defines a strategy to achieve the high road of globalization, understood here as an inevitable process in spite of its engagement being dependent on the policies adopted. The conclusions show the genuine contributions of this tradition to economic theory.


2018 ◽  
Vol 27 (1) ◽  
pp. 33-56
Author(s):  
Mark Askew

In the wake of the Spanish American War, the United States became a world power. How consciously the USA pursued global ambitions is the subject of intense scholarly debate. This article examines US strategic policy toward Cuba in 1899 and argues that the USA prioritized stability and left US commanders to infer via a process of experimentation the true strategic direction of US policy in Cuba.


1990 ◽  
Vol 32 (1) ◽  
pp. 17-44 ◽  
Author(s):  
John D. Martz

Does electoral campaigning in Latin America make a difference, and does it merit the attention of scholars? This was at the core of an extensive bibliographic analysis, published nearly two decades ago, which noted the paucity of literature on the subject, extending throughout the Third World and even including Western Europe (Martz, 1971). However, the rising tide of military authoritarianism dramatically reduced the relevance of the question in the region, and students of Latin American politics turned away, understandably, from concerted attention to campaigns, elections, and parties. Only with the reemergence of democratic regimes in recent years has interest turned back toward older emphases (Martz, 1990). Once again, theoretical developments have been colored by the events of the day, reorienting scholarly attention “from the military overthrow of civilian regimes and Latin American authoritarianism toward the prospects and processes of redemocratization” (Malloy, 1987).


1992 ◽  
Vol 34 (3) ◽  
pp. 65-88 ◽  
Author(s):  
David Scott Palmer

In Just 20 Years Peru has shifted from beacon of hope to basket case. As late as the mid-1970s, Peru's reformist military government (1968-1980) appeared to offer significant possibilities for economic and political development (defined as improved distribution of income and greater participation by the citizenry). From 1940 to 1975, economic growth and low inflation had been the norm. A major agrarian reform during the military docenio (12-year rule) created production cooperatives nation wide; the industrial community gave workers a meaningful management role in the operation of their firms. Both stirred the imagination of many Peruvians and the academic community alike.


2021 ◽  
Vol 4 (2) ◽  
Author(s):  
Evans Tetteh ◽  

The distinctiveness of aid to economic growth and development of developing countries has stirred up discussions over the years. The conventional arguments have sought to evince both optimistic and pessimistic views about aid to development in Africa while at the same time studies are copiously emerging around Chinese aid to Africa’s development within the broader China-Africa engagements. This article interrogates the dynamics surrounding the subject to examine foreign aid, China’s aid practice toward Africa and the possible implications for Africa’s development. Probing into the general perspective in literature and other primary sources, the study submits that China’s active aid practice has heightened the uncertainties around foreign aid to Africa’s development. Notwithstanding the verity of China’s aid policies and principles being germane to Africa’s development, the practical implementation maintains certain attributes that provoke divided thoughts. Hence, the requisite platform of action should be bolstered to consider both the Chinese interests and the African needs for a well-balanced development in the acclaimed South-South cooperation partnership.


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