A Democratic Party Approach to Latin America

1992 ◽  
Vol 34 (2) ◽  
pp. 1-18
Author(s):  
Ambler H. Moss
Keyword(s):  
Latin America ◽  
Latin American ◽  
Presidential Election ◽  
Democratic Party ◽  
Democratic Administration ◽  
American Policy ◽  
Consistent Basis

As in most presidential election years, Latin America is not significant in the campaign issues presently under discussion, nor is it likely to become so before November 1992. This article focuses, therefore, not so much upon which issues might, or even should, be emphasized by the Democratic Party during the campaign, as upon what might be the design of a Latin American policy by a new Democratic administration in January 1993. Start, then, by assuming a Democratic victory in November.It would be reasonable to predict that Latin America will get more attention, of a different nature and on a more consistent basis, than it has during the Reagan-Bush years. The Democrats have had the affiliation of the greater number of this country's Latin Americanists, and their weight will be felt. They will want, demand, and probably get, some serious input.

Rediscovering Democracy in Latin America

Worldview ◽  
1983 ◽  
Vol 26 (5) ◽  
pp. 8-10
Author(s):  
Paul E. Sigmund
Keyword(s):  
Human Rights ◽  
Latin America ◽  
Central America ◽  
Latin American ◽  
Reagan Administration ◽  
Authoritarian Government ◽  
The Caribbean ◽  
American Policy

It is not unlikely that within the next two years nearly every country in Latin America will be governed by an elected civilian regime. This might surprise most Americans, accustomed as we are to thinking about the region in terms of coup-prone military governments and repressive oligarchies. We are surprised too at the recent embrace of democracy in Latin America by the Reagan administration. Some of its leading representatives went about touting the virtues of authoritarian government; but the administration has found that it is good politics to promote democracy and free elections in Central America and the Caribbean— and politically impossible to resume aid to regimes with bad human rights records. In fact, “Project Democracy” is the latest buzzword of Reagan's Latin American policy.

The United States and Chilean Politics in the Cold War

2020 ◽  
pp. 1-15
Author(s):  
Sebastián Hurtado-Torres
Keyword(s):  
United States ◽  
Foreign Policy ◽  
Latin American ◽  
Democratic Party ◽  
The United States ◽  
United States Foreign Policy ◽  
Alliance For Progress ◽  
Local Actors ◽  
American Policy ◽  
The 1960S

This introductory chapter provides an overview of the relationship between Eduardo Frei's Revolution in Liberty and the United States. For the United States foreign policy apparatus, the Christian Democratic Party of Chile appeared to be a model partner in the realization of the goals of the Alliance for Progress, the Latin American policy conceived by President John F. Kennedy and continued, though without the same level of enthusiasm and hope, by his successor, Lyndon B. Johnson. In its original conception, Kennedy's Latin American policy had ambitious economic, social, and political goals. The channeling of aid from the United States to Latin American countries in the 1960s sought to reflect the interplay between those aims, even if the implementation of the Alliance for Progress sorely lacked in consistency and constancy. In the case of Chile and Eduardo Frei's Revolution in Liberty, the exceptionally generous provision of aid by the United States went hand in hand with a deep involvement of agents of U.S. foreign policy, especially the political staff of the embassy in Santiago, in the day-to-day functioning of Chilean politics—welcomed and, in many cases, invited by local actors.

Revenue Statistics in Latin America and the Caribbean 2021

2021 ◽  
Author(s):  
◽  
◽  
◽  
Keyword(s):  
Latin America ◽  
Latin American ◽  
Tax Revenue ◽  
The European Union ◽  
Joint Work ◽  
Development Centre ◽  
Economic Commission ◽  
The Caribbean ◽  
Consistent Basis ◽  
The Eu

This report compiles comparable tax revenue statistics over the period 1990-2019 for 27 Latin American and Caribbean economies. Based on the OECD Revenue Statistics database, it applies the OECD methodology to countries in Latin America and the Caribbean to enable comparison of tax levels and tax structures on a consistent basis, both among the economies of the region and with other economies. This publication is jointly undertaken by the OECD Centre for Tax Policy and Administration, the OECD Development Centre, the Inter-American Center of Tax Administrations (CIAT), the Economic Commission for Latin America and the Caribbean (ECLAC) and the Inter-American Development Bank (IDB). The 2021 edition is produced with the support of the EU Regional Facility for Development in Transition for Latin America and the Caribbean, which results from joint work led by the European Union, the OECD and its Development Centre, and ECLAC.

Always Protectionist? Latin American Tariffs from Independence to Great Depression

2004 ◽  
Vol 36 (2) ◽  
pp. 205-232 ◽  
Author(s):  
JOHN H. COATSWORTH ◽  
JEFFREY G. WILLIAMSON
Keyword(s):  
Latin America ◽  
Great Depression ◽  
Latin American ◽  
Trading Partner ◽  
Strategic Responses ◽  
State Revenue ◽  
The Great Depression ◽  
American Policy ◽  
Surprising Fact ◽  
Better Than

This article reports a fact that has not been well appreciated: tariffs in Latin America were the world's highest long before the Great Depression. This is a surprising fact, given that Latin America is believed to have exploited globalisation forces better than most regions before the 1920s, and given that the 1930s have always been viewed as the critical decade when Latin American policy became so anti-global. The explanation does not lie with imagined output gains from protection in these young republics, but rather with state revenue needs, strategic responses to trading partner tariffs and a need to compensate globalisation's losers.

Germany and Latin America: A Complex Relationship

1994 ◽  
Vol 35 (4) ◽  
pp. 43-100 ◽  
Author(s):  
Wolf Grabendorff
Keyword(s):  
United States ◽  
Latin America ◽  
Latin American ◽  
The United States ◽  
Complex Relationship ◽  
The South ◽  
It Projects ◽  
American Policy ◽  
Security Relationship

Aside from the United States, Germany is Latin America's .most important economic partner. Despite this fact, Germany has never appeared to have a very strong overall relationship with the region and, due to its postwar history, has never developed a true “Latin American policy.” For obvious reasons, Germany has given high priority to (1) relations with its Western neighbors and (2) its security relationship with the United States. As far as its policy towards the South goes, it has tended to concentrate on major actors, such as Egypt and India, and its relations with Brazil should be viewed in that context.The absence of a defined policy does not mean that Germany lacks a visible profile in the region. The role and image it projects reflects a relationship that is much broader, and far more complex, than its economic and diplomatic activities in the region would indicate.

A Poverty of Imagination: George W. Bush's Policy in Latin America

2007 ◽  
Vol 39 (2) ◽  
pp. 355-385 ◽  
Author(s):  
WILLIAM M. LEOGRANDE
Keyword(s):  
Latin America ◽  
Free Trade ◽  
Latin American ◽  
New Left ◽  
Bush Administration ◽  
Economic Justice ◽  
Neoliberal Economics ◽  
American Policy

Washington's challenge during George W. Bush's presidency was to define a new relationship with Latin America beyond free trade and neoliberal economics – a relationship responsive to the region's demand for social and economic justice. Preoccupied by the wars in Afghanistan and Iraq, the Bush administration failed this challenge. The president left his Latin American policy in the hands of conservative cold warriors who reacted with hostility to the election of ‘new left’ socialists and populists. As a result, Washington's reputation and relations in Latin America deteriorated dramatically.

After the Chilean Presidential Election: Reform or Stagnation?

1965 ◽  
Vol 7 (3) ◽  
pp. 375-384
Author(s):  
James Petras
Keyword(s):  
Latin America ◽  
Presidential Election ◽  
Democratic Party ◽  
Lower Class ◽  
Conservative Party ◽  
Democratic Candidate ◽  
Election Reform ◽  
Salvador Allende ◽  
Christian Democratic Party ◽  
Political Decisions

In Latin America, where elections are usually something less than expressions of the popular will, it is significant that in Chile one of the most decisive political decisions was resolved at the ballot box. Of two-and-a-half million votes cast, Eduardo Frei, the Christian Democratic candidate, received 56%. The Socialist-Communist coalition candidate, Salvador Allende, received 39%, while Julio Duran, the candidate of the former foremost electoral party, the Radical Party, received slightly less than 5 %. With the exception of the usual bribery charges and the emphasizing of the fact that illiterates who compose 25% of the population (and who are mostly lower class) are excluded from voting, even the Communist daily El Siglo editorially commented that Frei won the popular mandate. This was both a personal triumph for Frei and a political vindication for the Christian Democratic Party which began in the late thirties as a split-off from the old traditional Catholic Conservative Party.

Migration vs. development? The case of poverty and inequality in Mexico

2012 ◽  
Vol 9 (1) ◽  
pp. 65-74 ◽  
Author(s):  
Agustín Escobar Latapi
Keyword(s):  
Latin America ◽  
International Migration ◽  
Latin American ◽  
Opportunity Cost ◽  
Inequality Index ◽  
Poverty And Inequality ◽  
And Migration

Although the migration – development nexus is widely recognized as a complex one, it is generally thought that there is a relationship between poverty and emigration, and that remittances lessen inequality. On the basis of Latin American and Mexican data, this chapter intends to show that for Mexico, the exchange of migrants for remittances is among the lowest in Latin America, that extreme poor Mexicans don't migrate although the moderately poor do, that remittances have a small, non-significant impact on the most widely used inequality index of all households and a very large one on the inequality index of remittance-receiving households, and finally that, to Mexican households, the opportunity cost of international migration is higher than remittance income. In summary, there is a relationship between poverty and migration (and vice versa), but this relationship is far from linear, and in some respects may be a perverse one for Mexico and for Mexican households.

Palestinian Diaspora Communities in Latin America and Palestinian Statehood

2020 ◽  
Vol 19 (1) ◽  
pp. 101-120
Author(s):  
Yousef M. Aljamal ◽  
Philipp O. Amour
Keyword(s):  
Latin America ◽  
South America ◽  
Latin American ◽  
Economic Life ◽  
Self Determination ◽  
The Political ◽  
Middle Classes ◽  
Latin Americans ◽  
Political Views ◽  
The Right

There are some 700,000 Latin Americans of Palestinian origin, living in fourteen countries of South America. In particular, Palestinian diaspora communities have a considerable presence in Chile, Honduras, and El Salvador. Many members of these communities belong to the professional middle classes, a situation which enables them to play a prominent role in the political and economic life of their countries. The article explores the evolving attitudes of Latin American Palestinians towards the issue of Palestinian statehood. It shows the growing involvement of these communities in Palestinian affairs and their contribution in recent years towards the wide recognition of Palestinian rights — including the right to self-determination and statehood — in Latin America. But the political views of members of these communities also differ considerably about the form and substance of a Palestinian statehood and on the issue of a two-states versus one-state solution.

Sorting Out the Mixed Economy

2019 ◽  
Author(s):  
Amy C. Offner
Keyword(s):  
Latin America ◽  
Latin American ◽  
New Deal ◽  
The United States ◽  
Business Associations ◽  
Welfare Programs ◽  
The Road ◽  
Social Welfare Programs ◽  
The Third World ◽  
The New Deal

In the years after 1945, a flood of U.S. advisors swept into Latin America with dreams of building a new economic order and lifting the Third World out of poverty. These businessmen, economists, community workers, and architects went south with the gospel of the New Deal on their lips, but Latin American realities soon revealed unexpected possibilities within the New Deal itself. In Colombia, Latin Americans and U.S. advisors ended up decentralizing the state, privatizing public functions, and launching austere social welfare programs. By the 1960s, they had remade the country's housing projects, river valleys, and universities. They had also generated new lessons for the United States itself. When the Johnson administration launched the War on Poverty, U.S. social movements, business associations, and government agencies all promised to repatriate the lessons of development, and they did so by multiplying the uses of austerity and for-profit contracting within their own welfare state. A decade later, ascendant right-wing movements seeking to dismantle the midcentury state did not need to reach for entirely new ideas: they redeployed policies already at hand. This book brings readers to Colombia and back, showing the entanglement of American societies and the contradictory promises of midcentury statebuilding. The untold story of how the road from the New Deal to the Great Society ran through Latin America, the book also offers a surprising new account of the origins of neoliberalism.

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