Swedish Social Democracy in Central America: The Politics of Small State Solidarity

1991 ◽  
Vol 33 (3) ◽  
pp. 169-200 ◽  
Author(s):  
Ann-Sofie Nilsson
Keyword(s):  
American Politics ◽  
Democratic Party ◽  
The United States ◽  
Central American ◽  
Social Democratic Party ◽  
Small State ◽  
Social Democratic ◽  
Sandinista Revolution ◽  
Democratic Engagement ◽  
Nicaraguan Politics

Few events have captured the imagination of progressive countries and parties worldwide as did the July 1979 Sandinista revolution in Nicaragua. Many of these parties became strong supporters of the Ortega government and were thus quite taken by surprise — as were most of those involved and engaged in Central American politics — by the outcome of the Nicaraguan election in February 1991. One such party, one of the most determined in its support of the Sandinistas, was Sweden's Social Democratic Party (Socialdemokratiska Arbetare Partlet or SAP), even though Sweden may not immediately come to mind as a natural participant in Central American politics. How can this intense Swedish Social Democratic involvement and partisanship be explained? How has Swedish support been translated into practical positions? Did the election victory of Violeta Chamorro, who was supported by the United States (a country whose Central American policy came under relendess fire by the SAP), signal the end of Swedish Social Democratic engagement in Nicaraguan politics?

The West German Social Democratic Party and The Politics of Internationalism in Central America

1987 ◽  
Vol 29 (4) ◽  
pp. 89-124 ◽  
Author(s):  
Eusebio Mujal-Leon
Keyword(s):  
Central America ◽  
Democratic Party ◽  
The United States ◽  
Central American ◽  
Social Democratic Party ◽  
The West ◽  
Social Democrats ◽  
Trade Union Movement ◽  
Social Democratic ◽  
Democratic Parties

One of the Most Notable Aspects of the Crisis in Central America has been the opportunity it has offered a number of actors, both within and without the region, to become involved in an area long considered a traditional reserve and zone of influence of the United States. Over the last decade, no European Socialist or Social Democratic party has been more important or influential with respect to Central American issues than the West German Social Democratic Party (SPD or Sozialdemokratische Partei Deutschlands). Despite being in the opposition since 1982, the West German Social Democrats have retained their prominence on international issues—particularly on Central American ones—for a number of reasons, such as: (1) having a solid electoral base (37% of the votes in the 1987 Bundestag elections); (2) having leaders who are internationally prominent; (3) having a well-organized foreign policy apparatus at their disposal (the well-financed Friedrich Ebert Stiftung foundation); (4) having connections to a similarly endowed trade union movement, organized around the Deutsche Gewerkschaftsbund(DGB); as well as (5) having persisted in their efforts to coordinate joint initiatives with other Socialist and Social Democratic parties, both within the European Economic Community (EEC) and through the Socialist International (SI).

The Tony Sender Papers

1972 ◽  
Vol 1 ◽  
pp. 5-7
Author(s):  
Robert F. Wheeler
Keyword(s):  
United States ◽  
World War I ◽  
Democratic Party ◽  
The United States ◽  
Social Democratic Party ◽  
Social Democratic ◽  
Metal Workers ◽  
The Social ◽  
German Revolution ◽  
Important Position

For many years students of German Labor history have speculated about the possible existence of a Tony Sender Nachlass somewhere in the United States. Ms. Sender, a Social Democratic journalist, was active in the Socialist Women's anti-war movement during World War I, played an important local role in the German Revolution of 1918 (in Frankfurt/Main), was a leading member of the Independent Social Democratic and later the Social Democratic party, held an important position in the German Metal Workers Union, and sat in the Reichstag throughout the Weimar Republic. She'fled Germany in 1933 and eventually migrated to the United States where she died in 1964 at the age of 76. Following her death what remained of her papers were entrusted to the State Historical Society of Wisconsin in Madison where they are now located and available for use.

The Tony Sender Papers

1972 ◽  
Vol 1 ◽  
pp. 5-7
Author(s):  
Robert F. Wheeler
Keyword(s):  
United States ◽  
World War I ◽  
Democratic Party ◽  
The United States ◽  
Social Democratic Party ◽  
Social Democratic ◽  
Metal Workers ◽  
The Social ◽  
German Revolution ◽  
Important Position

For many years students of German Labor history have speculated about the possible existence of a Tony Sender Nachlass somewhere in the United States. Ms. Sender, a Social Democratic journalist, was active in the Socialist Women's anti-war movement during World War I, played an important local role in the German Revolution of 1918 (in Frankfurt/Main), was a leading member of the Independent Social Democratic and later the Social Democratic party, held an important position in the German Metal Workers Union, and sat in the Reichstag throughout the Weimar Republic. She'fled Germany in 1933 and eventually migrated to the United States where she died in 1964 at the age of 76. Following her death what remained of her papers were entrusted to the State Historical Society of Wisconsin in Madison where they are now located and available for use.

Schröder Asserts the German National Interest, 1999–2003

2018 ◽  
Author(s):  
Ashoka Mody
Keyword(s):  
Monetary Union ◽  
Democratic Party ◽  
National Interest ◽  
Social Democratic Party ◽  
Fiscal Discipline ◽  
Political Union ◽  
Social Democratic ◽  
European Institutions ◽  
Deutsche Mark ◽  
Full Swing

This chapter discusses how Gerhard Schröder, leader of Germany's Social Democratic Party, proposed to delay the euro's birth rather than start with members who had not achieved the required fiscal discipline. Campaigning to replace Helmut Kohl as chancellor in March 1998, Schröder observed that some countries would struggle to survive the rigors of the monetary union. However, once Schröder was elected chancellor in October, his hands were tied. In April 1998, the Bundestag had already authorized Germany's shift from the deutsche mark to the euro, Germany had made commitments to its European partners, and preparation for launch of the euro was in full swing. Ultimately, the euro was born uneventfully on January 1, 1999. Schröder continued the narrative of Europe's eventual political awakening; he even called for greater European “political union.” To the contrary, Schröder quickly developed a confrontational relationship with European institutions.

scholarly journals The Demobilization of Class Politics in Denmark: The Social Democratic Party’s Group-Based Appeals 1961–2004

2018 ◽  
Vol 0 (0) ◽  
Author(s):  
Mads Thau
Keyword(s):  
Democratic Party ◽  
General Level ◽  
Social Democratic Party ◽  
Left Wing ◽  
Class Politics ◽  
Specific Level ◽  
Social Democratic ◽  
The Social ◽  
Democratic Parties ◽  
Social Democratic Parties

Abstract In Denmark, as in other Western European countries, the working class does not vote for social democratic parties to the same extent as before. Yet, what role did the social democratic parties themselves play in the demobilization of class politics? Building on core ideas from public opinion literature, this article differs from the focus on party policy positions in previous work and, instead, focuses on the group-based appeals of the Social Democratic Party in Denmark. Based on a quantitative content analysis of party programs between 1961 and 2004, I find that, at the general level, class-related appeals have been replaced by appeals targeting non-economic groups. At the specific level, the class-related appeals that remain have increasingly been targeting businesses at the expense of traditional left-wing groups such as wage earners, tenants and pensioners. These findings support a widespread hypothesis that party strategy was crucial in the decline of class politics, but also suggests that future work on class mobilization should adopt a group-centered perspective.

From Socialist Unification to Socialist Scission 1966–69: Socialist Unification and the Italian Party System

1974 ◽  
Vol 9 (2) ◽  
pp. 146-164 ◽  
Author(s):  
Felice Rizzi
Keyword(s):  
Democratic Party ◽  
Political System ◽  
Party System ◽  
Socialist Party ◽  
Social Democratic Party ◽  
Social Democratic ◽  
Strategic Design ◽  
Single Voice

A FEW YEARS AGO, GALL1 AND PRANDI WROTE THAT THE UNIFICATION of the socialists represented a phase of rationalization of the Italian political system. Not only did the re-unification of the PSI (Socialist Party of Italy) and the PSDI (Social Democratic Party of Italy) lead to a simplification of the party subsystem (by reducing its excessive numbers), thus rendering the choice between alternatives easier for the electorate. But at last a single voice seemed to emerge which could undertake the task of opposing the twenty years of Christian Democrat predominance, which had been responsible for so many aspects of political ‘immobilism’. Moreover it was possible to discern a strategic design in the socialist plans — an optimistic design perhaps, but entailing possible innovations. The formation of a strong Socialist Party might have led to the overcoming of one of the principal - if not the greatest - defects of the Italian party system: the absence of a mechanism of rewards and punishments.

Czech Social Democracy and its “cohabitation” with the Communist Party: The story of a neglected affair

2008 ◽  
Vol 41 (3) ◽  
pp. 317-338 ◽  
Author(s):  
Lubomír Kopeček ◽  
Pavel Pšeja
Keyword(s):  
Communist Party ◽  
Democratic Party ◽  
Social Democratic Party ◽  
Pragmatic Approach ◽  
Social Democrats ◽  
Unsuccessful Attempt ◽  
Social Democratic ◽  
The Social ◽  
The Right ◽  
The Relationship

This article attempts to analyze developments within the Czech Left after 1989. Primarily, the authors focus on two questions: (1) How did the Czech Social Democratic Party (ČSSD) achieve its dominance of the Left? (2)What is the relationship between the Social Democrats and the Communist Party of Bohemia and Moravia (KSČM)? We conclude that the unsuccessful attempt to move the KSČM towards a moderate leftist identity opened up a space in which the Social Democrats could thrive, at the same time gradually assuming a pragmatic approach towards the Communists. Moreover, the ability of Miloš Zeman, the leader of the Social Democrats, to build a clear non-Communist Left alternative to the hegemony of the Right during the 1990s was also very important.

The United States and the Rise of General Maximiliano Hernández Martínez

1971 ◽  
Vol 3 (2) ◽  
pp. 151-172 ◽  
Author(s):  
Kenneth J. Grieb
Keyword(s):  
United States ◽  
El Salvador ◽  
Central America ◽  
American Politics ◽  
State Department ◽  
The United States ◽  
The State ◽  
Central American ◽  
Coup D'etat ◽  
The Military

The militarycoup d'étatwhich installed General Maximiliano Hernández Martínez as President of El Salvador during December 1931 created a crisis involving the 1923 Washington Treaties. By the terms of these accords, the Central American nadons had pledged to withhold recognition from governments seizing power through force in any of the isthmian republics. Although not a signatory of the treaty, the United States based its recognition policy on this principle. Through this means the State Department had attempted to impose some stability in Central America, by discouraging revolts. With the co-operation of the isthmian governments, United States diplomats endeavored to bring pressure to bear on the leaders of any uprising, to deny them the fruits of their victory, and thus reduce the constant series ofcoupsandcounter-coupsthat normally characterized Central American politics.

West European Social Democracy in the Early 21st Century

2010 ◽  
pp. 39-55
Author(s):  
N. Rabotyazhev
Keyword(s):  
21St Century ◽  
Democratic Party ◽  
Social Democracy ◽  
Labour Party ◽  
Suitable Model ◽  
Social Democratic Party ◽  
Social Democratic ◽  
Early 21St Century ◽  
British Labour ◽  
West European

The article is devoted to the evolution of the West European social democracy in the late 20th and early 21st century. The author analyses the causes of the social democracy crisis in 1980-90s and considers its attempts to meet the challenges of globalization and the “new economy”. Modernization of the British Labour Party under Tony Blair's leadership and updating of the German Social Democratic Party initiated by Gerhard Schröder are thoroughly examined in the article. Political and ideological processes ongoing in such parties as the French Socialist Party, the Dutch Labour Party, the Swedish Social Democratic Party, the Austrian Social Democratic Party are also considered. The author comes to a conclusion that the radical shift towards social liberalism took place merely in the British Labour Party. Schröder’s attempt to modernize the German Social Democratic Party turned out to be unsuccessful, while other European social democratic parties did not regard Blair’s “Third Way” as a suitable model for them.

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