Ecuador: Putting an End to Ghosts of the Past?

1992 ◽  
Vol 34 (4) ◽  
pp. 195-224 ◽  
Author(s):  
Fernando Bustamante
Keyword(s):  
Foreign Policy ◽  
International Cooperation ◽  
Free Trade ◽  
Latin American ◽  
Foreign Minister ◽  
Free Trade Zone ◽  
The Past ◽  
Political Economic

In 1991, Ecuador's foreign policy had to deal with the revival of its old border conflict with Peru. Nevertheless, this time the situation offered some hope — in contrast to previous occasions, the most recent being the Paquisha incident in 1982 — that the longstanding impasse between the two countries, which had hindered closer cooperation and greater integration for decades, might be nearing some sort of resolution at last.During the first two years of his administration, President Rodrigo Borja and his Foreign Minister Diego Cordovez were primarily concerned with incorporating Ecuador into some of the Latin American efforts at international cooperation — political, economic, and commercial — which had emerged during the 1980s, such as the Rio Group, or which had been redefined and advanced in new, more creative forms, such as those exemplified by the Cartagena Group, the Asociación Latinoamericana de Integratión (ALADI), the proposed Andean Free Trade Zone, and the like.

The origins of Canada’s feminist foreign policy

2019 ◽  
Vol 74 (2) ◽  
pp. 191-205 ◽  
Author(s):  
Adam Chapnick
Keyword(s):  
Foreign Policy ◽  
International Relations ◽  
Prime Minister ◽  
Foreign Minister ◽  
International Community ◽  
Minor Role ◽  
The Past ◽  
Canadian Foreign Policy ◽  
The Government ◽  
A Minor

In January 2019, a leading Canadian foreign policy blog, OpenCanada.org, declared that “[u]nder the government of Justin Trudeau, Canada has embraced a feminist foreign policy—gradually at first, and with fervor over the past year.” Although critics have debated the policy’s effectiveness, the embrace, if not also the fervor, was indisputable. By 2019, the Trudeau government’s second foreign minister, Chrystia Freeland, was proclaiming Canada’s feminist approach to international relations openly and regularly. The international community had also noticed. This article investigates the origins of the new Canadian foreign policy “brand.” It finds that, contrary to popular thinking, the prime minister himself played at most a minor role in the initiation of what became a full-fledged transformation of Canada’s global image.

scholarly journals FOREIGN POLICY OF PEDRO SÁNCHEZ: ONE YEAR ON

2021 ◽  
Vol 23 (5) ◽  
pp. 15-22
Author(s):  
Natalia Anikeeva ◽  
Keyword(s):  
Foreign Policy ◽  
Latin American ◽  
Foreign Minister ◽  
The United States ◽  
Coalition Government ◽  
Policy Strategy ◽  
American States ◽  
New Strategy ◽  
One Year ◽  
The Eu

The article analyzes the foreign policy of Spain, as well as the foreign policy strategy (2021–2024), adopted in early 2021, a year after Pedro Sánchez took office as chairman of the coalition government. The appearance of this document took place against the backdrop of the inauguration of the new US President Joe Biden. P. Sánchez’s government expressed the hope that Spain and the EU will be able to improve relations with the United States in various spheres of activity. The new foreign policy strategy was influenced by the global financial and economic crisis provoked by the development of the coronavirus pandemic. In the summer of 2021, another important event for Spanish foreign policy took place. Jose Manuel Albarez was appointed to the post of Foreign Minister, who replaced Arancha Gonzalez Lai. The author comes to the conclusion that relations with Morocco are traditionally important for the foreign policy of Spain. Latin America will play an important role in the new strategy. The place of Spain in the establishment of a dialogue between the EU and Latin American states was especially marked.

Russian-Latin American Relations at Modern Stage

2011 ◽  
pp. 89-97
Author(s):  
E. Dabagyan
Keyword(s):  
Foreign Policy ◽  
Latin American ◽  
American Continent ◽  
Political Economic ◽  
Intensive Development

The article contains an analysis of Russia’s foreign policy towards the Latin American continent in the first decade of the XXI century. The author points out the intensive development of contacts in different fields (political, economic, military-technical and humanitarian). A pluralistic feature of the Russian strategy towards the countries of the region and the absence of the confrontational agenda are emphasized.

scholarly journals International Relations with Chinese Characteristics

2019 ◽  
Vol 01 (02) ◽  
pp. 1950006
Author(s):  
Ralph Pettman
Keyword(s):  
Foreign Policy ◽  
International Relations ◽  
International Cooperation ◽  
Free Trade ◽  
The State ◽  
Belt And Road Initiative ◽  
Chinese Characteristics ◽  
Belt And Road ◽  
China’S Foreign Policy ◽  
The Belt And Road

International relations, as currently construed, are multi-dimensional. They are also Euro-American, which means modern-day China had no hand in making them. It was obliged to adapt to the state-centered, marketeering, nationalistic realities with which it was confronted when it became independent. And adapt it did. It also, however, revised these realities by adopting its own approach. Its leaders first repudiated China’s traditional experiences, while reworking its world ones to promote their own ends. Later, however, they began to express admiration for the values and vision of their own culture and civilization. They began to articulate policies, like the Belt and Road Initiative, that were not only representative of Euro-American principles, such as international cooperation and free trade, but also representative of non-Euro-American principles, such as the so-called “tribute system”. The latter characterized China’s foreign policy approach for millennia. It still arguably demonstrates China’s willingness not only to accept — while reforming — those Euro-American practices imposed upon it, but also to repudiate — by revolutionizing — those very same practices.

Brazilian Relations with Portuguese Africa in the Context of the Elusive “Luso-Brazilian Community”

1976 ◽  
Vol 18 (1) ◽  
pp. 25-58
Author(s):  
Wayne A. Selcher
Keyword(s):  
Economic Growth ◽  
Developing Countries ◽  
Latin American ◽  
Technical Assistance ◽  
Foreign Minister ◽  
Cultural Exchange ◽  
Western Hemisphere ◽  
Political Economic ◽  
Brazilian Culture ◽  
Latin American Countries

The year of 1972 brought the marked aggravation of a series of political-economic conflicts in Brazil's relations with developing countries outside the Western Hemisphere, calling into serious question the continued viability of its efforts of several years to maintain good relations with both Portugal and the nonaligned states (particularly those of Africa). Following successful tours of Latin American countries in 1971, Foreign Minister Mário Gibson Barboza termed 1972 the “Year of Africa” and visited Zaire and eight countries of West Africa to advance Brazil's ambitions as a leader of the LDCs by offering technical assistance, development financing, and increased trade, cooperation in commodity agreements, and cultural exchange based on the African component of Brazilian culture. This tour was intended to promote the image of Brazil as a peacefully multiracial, rapidly developing tropical civilization eager to share with others the solutions to economic growth which it had found.

The Latin-American Free Trade Zone

1960 ◽  
Vol 2 (4) ◽  
pp. 421-428
Author(s):  
José Garrido Torres
Keyword(s):  
Free Trade ◽  
Latin American ◽  
Economic Integration ◽  
American Association ◽  
Free Trade Zone ◽  
The Other ◽  
Considerable Influence ◽  
International Commerce ◽  
The World ◽  
Latin American Countries

The Free Trade Zone treaty signed by seven Latin-American countries (Argentina, Brazil, Chile, Mexico, Peru, Paraguay, and Uruguay) last February in Montevideo, is an unprecedented event in this part of the world. When it comes into effect by ratification of at least three of the seven countries the Latin-American Association of Free Trade will be created. It is destined to have considerable influence in the future of this continent if it proves to be an adequate instrument for attaining the goals in sight. These are two-fold: first, the intensification of trade; second, laying the groundwork for a more ambitious scheme of economic integration. Today, trade among Latin-American countries is about 10 per cent of their total international commerce. On the other hand, their economic development has been taking place along lines that are much too protectionist.

Moscow and Tokyo: An Uneasy Peace

1985 ◽  
Vol 481 (1) ◽  
pp. 61-69 ◽  
Author(s):  
HIROSHI KIMURA
Keyword(s):  
Foreign Policy ◽  
Soviet Union ◽  
The Political ◽  
Soviet Policy ◽  
The Past ◽  
The Soviet Union ◽  
Northern Territories ◽  
Political Economic ◽  
The Relationship

This article examines why Soviet-Japanese relations since 1945 have been so poor at the political, economic, and military levels. It first analyzes recent changes in Moscow's foreign policy toward Japan and then looks at the major determinants shaping this policy. Kimura assesses recent Soviet policy and concludes that the Soviet Union has few diplomatic options open to improve the Soviet-Japanese relationship. Soviet diplomacy in the past has been heavy-handed, clumsy, and inflexible, especially as regards the so-called Northern Territories. Soviet attitudes must evidence greater flexibility and a willingness to negotiate before the relationship can be significantly improved.

scholarly journals As relações entre Brasil e Cuba: das vantagens econômicas à retração política

2018 ◽  
Vol 6 (3) ◽  
pp. 468-490
Author(s):  
Regiane Nitsch Bressan
Keyword(s):  
Foreign Policy ◽  
Latin America ◽  
International Relations ◽  
Key Words ◽  
Latin American ◽  
Bilateral Trade ◽  
Health Sector ◽  
Bilateral Relations ◽  
America Latina ◽  
Political Economic

O trabalho apresenta a evolução da relação bilateral entre Brasil e Cuba entre 2008 e 2016, superando a distância entre os países. A política externa do governo de Lula foi propositiva às relações regionais, fomentou integração latino-americana a partir da CELAC, que inclui Cuba no diálogo regional, e efetuou aproximação política, econômica e ideológica entre os dois países. A política externa de Rousseff sucedeu-se em termos pragmáticos, assegurando ganhos a ambos os países. Entre eles: os investimentos brasileiros na modernização do Porto de Mariel e a construção da Zona Econômica; o crescimento singular do comércio bilateral e instalação de empresas brasileiras na ilha; além da cooperação na área da saúde, o recrutamento de 11.429 médicos para atuarem em áreas carentes do território brasileiro. A densidade e natureza pragmática desta relação foram fundamentais para a consolidação da política entre Brasil e Cuba, mas enfrenta entraves do governo de Michel Temer, cuja política externa é guinada aos países do Norte, sendo possível identificar retrocesso no empenho brasileiro nos projetos regionais, estremecendo as relações com os países latino-americanos, inclusive com Cuba. Palavras-Chaves: Brasil; Cuba; Relações Internacionais; América Latina.       Abstract: This paper gives an overview of the evolution of bilateral relations between Brazil and Cuba from 2008 to 2016, overcoming the distance that separates the countries. The foreign policy pursued by the Lula government (2003-2011) focused on strengthening regional relations and promoting Latin American integration through CELAC, which includes Cuba in the regional dialogue, and establishing political, economic and ideological links between the two countries. Rousseff's foreign policy continued on a pragmatic course, ensuring gains for both countries. Examples of this are the Brazilian investments in the Mariel seaport modernisation and Special Economic Zone project, the growth of bilateral trade, and the installation of Brazilian companies on the island. Furthermore, cooperation was established in the health sector, involving the recruitment of 11.429 Cuban physicians to work in underdeveloped regions of Brazil. The density and pragmatic nature of this relationship have been fundamental for the consolidation of the bilateral relations between Brazil and Cuba, but faces the constraints of the recent Temer government, whose foreign policy is more directed to the northern countries and a decrease in Brazil's commitment to regional relations and integration projects can be observed, including those with Cuba. Key words: Brazil; Cuba; International Relations; Latin America.     Recebido em: março/2017 Aprovado em: novembro/2017.

Foreign Policy and the National Question in the Habsburg Empire: A Memorandum of Kálnoky

1970 ◽  
Vol 6 ◽  
pp. 142-159
Author(s):  
Barbara Jelavich
Keyword(s):  
Foreign Policy ◽  
Great Powers ◽  
The Political ◽  
Habsburg Empire ◽  
German Empire ◽  
The Past ◽  
National Question ◽  
South Slavs ◽  
Foreign Governments ◽  
Political Economic

Although all governments in the past have been strongly influenced in the conduct of foreign policy by domestic considerations arising from the political, economic, and social compositions of their populations and the ethnic divisions within their state, in no European country has the intertwining and interaction between internal controversy and foreign diplomacy been so significant and so fateful for Europe as in the Habsburg monarchy in the last fifty years of its existence. By the close of the nineteenth century not only were the component nationalities in the process of shifting their prime loyalties from the symbol of Habsburg unity, the emperor, to their own leaders and parties, but the majority of them had been able to secure the sympathy, if not the outright assistance, of foreign governments. For instance, the Eomanians and Italians of the monarchy could look to strongly nationalistic governments in Bucharest and Rome whose irredentist propensities were scarcely concealed; the Habsburg South Slavs could hope for future encouragement from Serbia, despite the fact that under the Obrenović dynasty the Serbian government had close ties with Vienna. Among the great powers Russia, although herself a conservative empire opposed to the breakup of the Habsburg state, nevertheless offered a great deal of attraction for some Czechs, South Slavs, and Ruthenes. Even the nationally-minded citizens of the German empire, the monarchy's closest ally, were deeply concerned about the relative position of their German brethren within Austria.

Sign in / Sign up

Export Citation Format

Share Document