The Eighth Earthly Branch in Archaic Chinese and Tai

Oriens ◽  
1957 ◽  
Vol 10 (2) ◽  
pp. 296 ◽  
Author(s):  
Soren Egerod
Keyword(s):  
Archaic Chinese

Translucent insights: a look at Proto-Sino-Tibetan through Gordon H. Luce's Comparative word-list

1983 ◽  
Vol 46 (3) ◽  
pp. 462-476 ◽  
Author(s):  
James A. Matisoff
Keyword(s):  
East Asian ◽  
Word List ◽  
Archaic Chinese ◽  
Long Life

The great South-East Asian linguist and epigrapher, Gordon H. Luce, devoted many decades of his long life to the decipherment and analysis of the inscriptions of Old Burma. He had long intended to draw on the unparalleled wealth of materials in his files to produce a comparative lexicon of ‘prestandard Old Burmese’ (OB). As Professor Henderson explains in her moving introduction, Luce's advancing years and failing eyesight caused A comparative word-list of Old Burmese, Chinese and Tibetan (CWL) to be less ambitious in scope or polished in format than Luce would have wished. Even so, the CWL is a mine of fascinating comparative material, not only for OB, where Luce's first-hand expertise was second to none, but also for Archaic Chinese (AC) and Written Tibetan (WT), where he had to rely for his data on Karlgren's reconstructions and Jäschke's dictionary.

Studies in the Grammar of Early Archaic Chinese

T oung Pao ◽  
1966 ◽  
Vol 52 (4) ◽  
pp. 247-253
Author(s):  
W.A.C.H. Dobson
Keyword(s):  
Early Archaic ◽  
Archaic Chinese

海南閩語結果結構

2016 ◽  
Vol 9 (1) ◽  
pp. 67-82
Keyword(s):  
Language Contact ◽  
Native Language ◽  
Syntactic Structure ◽  
Main Mechanism ◽  
Resultative Constructions ◽  
Southern Min ◽  
Archaic Chinese ◽  
Serial Verb Construction ◽  
Serial Verb ◽  
Chinese Dialects

This paper introduces the resultative constructions in Hainan Min which have not been seriously examined in previous studies. The serial verb construction (SVC) is the main mechanism by which resultatives are expressed in Hainan Min. This special syntactic structure is examined in Hainan Min and compared to two other Chinese dialects: Taiwan Southern Min and Cantonese. I speculate that the unusual serial verb construction resultatives are associated with the preservation of a historical form and language contact. Diachronic Chinese data are given to evince that SVCs existed early in archaic Chinese. In addition, it is argued that language contact with the native language (Hlai) also contributes to the preservation of this historic remnant. 本文介紹海南閩語的結果結構。這個語法結構在過去的文獻中並未清楚的描述及討論過。本研究使用的材料大多是作者田野調查後的語料。田調的結果發現，海南閩語的結果結構主要是以連動結構來表現。以連動結構來表達結果，在現代漢語中，是一種很特殊的方式。本文因此比較了相關的漢語方言：台灣閩南語及粵語。同時，還考察了古漢語的歷時語料，發現連動結果句型應是一種存古現象。除了歷史因素外，本文還主張語言接觸也影響了連動結果句型的存古。因此，本文還探討了海南島上的黎語之結果結構。(This article is in English.)

PARTICULES DE NEGATION DANS LES INSCRIPTIONS SUR BRONZE DE LA DYNASTIE DES ZHOU

1991 ◽  
Vol 20 (1) ◽  
pp. 5-76
Author(s):  
Redouane Djamouri
Keyword(s):  
Syntactic Analysis ◽  
Epistemic Modal ◽  
Nominal Phrase ◽  
Early Archaic ◽  
Dependent Position ◽  
Archaic Chinese ◽  
Transitive Verbs ◽  
The Subject ◽  
Negative Marker ◽  
Negative Counterpart

This article is devoted to a semantico-syntactic analysis of the use of seven markers of negation in Early Archaic Chinese, especially in the Zhou bronze inscriptions. The negative BU 不 which is used with intransitive verbal predicates or with adjectives, establishes a descriptive relationship between the subject and the predicate in its clause; it only shows a simple descriptive intention and takes an integral part in the presupposition. The negative marker FU 弗 is fully adverbial and is used, essentially, with transitive verbs. The marker FEI 非, establishes an attributive, descriptive relationship between the two terms of the predication inside the clause just as does BU; but it introduces a polemic value in expressing the falsity of a presupposition. The marker WU2 毋, in contrast with WU1 勿, does not come under the category of a deontic modality. The obligation which it shows does not come from the speaker (or from any other source) but is internal to the subject-predicate relationship. The negation in this case is to be taken as a statement of fact and not as an injunction. However, according to the observations here, WU2 毋 refers to the epistemic modal category. That why it can express the double value of both "certainty" and “necessity” according to the context. The negative WANG 勿 (the negative counterpart of YOU 有 "existence" or "possession") is used to express the possession of dependence. In addition, because of its existential value, it allows for presenting certain terms in both a restrictive and an extensive sense. Finally WU3 無 is most often attached to a substantive and forms thus a marginal expansion (in a syntactically dependent position) serving to characterize a nominal phrase, a verbal phrase, or an entire clause.

The Human Figure in Archaic Chinese Writing. Part II

1930 ◽  
Vol 62 (1) ◽  
pp. 95-106
Author(s):  
L. C. Hopkins
Keyword(s):  
Early Design ◽  
Archaic Chinese ◽  
Human Figure ◽  
Small Set ◽  
Chinese Writing

In the Journal for 1923, pp. 386–90, in the Series of “Pictographic Reconnaissances”, Part V, a small set of ancient forms was discussed and illustrated which I gave reasons for considering the original scription of the word hsün, now written and meaning to question, examine with authority, and, in the phrase, chih hsün, standing for “bound captives”. It was there maintained that the archaic form represented a kneeling human figure having the arms pinioned behind with cords. Fig. 21 on p. 389 of that Paper, reproduced as Fig. 1 on Plate II of the present Number, shows best the conception of the early design.

Clitic pronouns in Archaic Chinese

2021 ◽  
Vol 11 (1) ◽  
Author(s):  
Redouane Djamouri ◽  
Waltraud Paul
Keyword(s):  
Chinese Text ◽  
Content Type ◽  
Left Behind ◽  
Archaic Chinese ◽  
History Of ◽  
Adjacent Position ◽  
Null Pronoun

Abstract This article provides evidence for the so far neglected existence of two clitic pronouns, yǐ 以 and yǔ 與, in Archaic Chinese (10th c. – 3th c. bc) in immediately verb-adjacent position: ‘yǐ/yǔ-V’. While yǔ only encodes the comitative/associative, yǐ encodes all kinds of (argument and adjunct) roles, depending on the semantics of the verb involved. We argue that the clitic pronouns yǐ and yǔ can neither be analysed as stranded prepositions left behind after extraction of their complement (as, e.g., in English) nor as orphan prepositions, i.e., PPs with an in situ null pronoun as complement (as, e.g., in French). This ties in with the general ban against prepositions lacking an overt complement, observed throughout the history of Chinese.

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