Jury Service and Women's Citizenship before and after the Nineteenth Amendment

2002 ◽  
Vol 20 (3) ◽  
pp. 479-515 ◽  
Author(s):  
Gretchen Ritter

The Nineteenth Amendment to the Constitution had surprisingly little impact on women's citizenship or the American constitutional order. For seventy-two years, from 1848 until the passage of the Nineteenth Amendment in 1920, suffrage was the central demand of the woman rights movement in the United States. Women demanded the right to vote in the nineteenth century because they believed it would make them first class citizens with all the rights and privileges of other first class citizens. Both normatively and instrumentally, the suffragists believed that voting would secure equal citizenship for women by raising their civic status and allowing them to assert their political interests. Yet in many ways women were more politically efficacious in the years just prior to the passage of the Nineteenth Amendment than they were afterward. Further, their ability to claim rights from the courts and legislatures, on the basis of their new status as voting citizens, was limited.

2020 ◽  
Vol 53 (3) ◽  
pp. 479-483
Author(s):  
Christina Wolbrecht ◽  
J. Kevin Corder

After a more than seven-decade battle, American women secured the right to vote in August 1920. The struggle for women to have a voice in elections was not over, however. The Nineteenth Amendment states that “The right of citizens of the United States to vote shall not be denied or abridged by the United States or by any State on account of sex.” The amendment gives Congress the power to enforce the law by appropriate legislation. It does not, however, empower or charge any government office or actor with ensuring that women can and do cast ballots. This article argues that this reality, often taken for granted, has serious implications for both the incorporation of women into the electorate and the representation of their political interests.


2021 ◽  
Author(s):  
◽  
Alexey Krichtal

<p>This thesis examines the port of Liverpool, its merchant community, and the growth of the raw cotton trade from its initial rise c. 1770 to the end of the Napoleonic period in 1815. By constructing a large database from Liverpool import lists published in Lancashire newspapers, combined with surviving cotton planter, merchant, and manufacturer papers, this thesis analyses: first, the rise of Liverpool as a major British cotton port and the geographical shifts in the port‘s cotton supply from the West Indies to Guyana, Brazil, and the United States; then second, the organisation of Liverpool‘s cotton trade in the Atlantic basin and at home. The port‘s cotton trade and the form of cotton procurement developed out of the pre-existing trading conditions prior to the cotton boom between Liverpool and each cotton cultivation region, and underwent major re-organisation in the early nineteenth century. Liverpool‘s cotton trade attracted new merchants who specialised in the import-export trade with one major region. Therefore, as cotton cultivation expanded from the West Indies to northern South America and the southern United States, the Liverpool market underwent a de-concentration from an oligopoly in the hands of few large cotton merchants to a more competitive market with many cotton importers. Ultimately, greater specialisation of Liverpool‘s cotton merchant and brokerage community resulted in increased efficiency in the importing, marketing, and selling of cotton on the British market, while a de-concentration of the Liverpool market provided the right market conditions to ward off artificially high prices, fostering the development of a cheap supply of raw cotton needed to sustain industrialisation of the British cotton industry in the nineteenth century.</p>


Author(s):  
Kathleen Blee

White women have long been associated with organized white supremacism in the United States, but their connection to these politics changed around the time that the Nineteenth Amendment guaranteed women the right to vote. Until the 1920s, white women were primarily used by racist men as symbols of white vulnerability in the face of legal gains by African American men. They rarely participated actively in white supremacist politics. From the 1920s on, however, enfranchised white women have played an increasing role in racist movements of all types. Most Ku Klux Klans and white power skinhead and neo-Nazi groups recruit women as full members, although few allow women in formal leadership positions.


2020 ◽  
Vol 34 (2) ◽  
pp. 3-23 ◽  
Author(s):  
Carolyn M. Moehling ◽  
Melissa A. Thomasson

The ratification of the Nineteenth Amendment in 1920 officially granted voting rights to women across the United States. However, many states extended full or partial suffrage to women before the federal amendment. In this paper, we discuss the history of women's enfranchisement using an economic lens. We examine the demand side, discussing the rise of the women's movement and its alliances with other social movements, and describe how suffragists put pressure on legislators. On the supply side, we draw from theoretical models of suffrage extension to explain why men shared the right to vote with women. Finally, we review empirical studies that attempt to distinguish between competing explanations. We find that no single theory can explain women's suffrage in the United States and note that while the Nineteenth Amendment extended the franchise to women, state-level barriers to voting limited the ability of black women to exercise that right until the Voting Rights Act of 1965.


2021 ◽  
Author(s):  
◽  
Alexey Krichtal

<p>This thesis examines the port of Liverpool, its merchant community, and the growth of the raw cotton trade from its initial rise c. 1770 to the end of the Napoleonic period in 1815. By constructing a large database from Liverpool import lists published in Lancashire newspapers, combined with surviving cotton planter, merchant, and manufacturer papers, this thesis analyses: first, the rise of Liverpool as a major British cotton port and the geographical shifts in the port‘s cotton supply from the West Indies to Guyana, Brazil, and the United States; then second, the organisation of Liverpool‘s cotton trade in the Atlantic basin and at home. The port‘s cotton trade and the form of cotton procurement developed out of the pre-existing trading conditions prior to the cotton boom between Liverpool and each cotton cultivation region, and underwent major re-organisation in the early nineteenth century. Liverpool‘s cotton trade attracted new merchants who specialised in the import-export trade with one major region. Therefore, as cotton cultivation expanded from the West Indies to northern South America and the southern United States, the Liverpool market underwent a de-concentration from an oligopoly in the hands of few large cotton merchants to a more competitive market with many cotton importers. Ultimately, greater specialisation of Liverpool‘s cotton merchant and brokerage community resulted in increased efficiency in the importing, marketing, and selling of cotton on the British market, while a de-concentration of the Liverpool market provided the right market conditions to ward off artificially high prices, fostering the development of a cheap supply of raw cotton needed to sustain industrialisation of the British cotton industry in the nineteenth century.</p>


2013 ◽  
Vol 41 (1) ◽  
pp. 153-173 ◽  
Author(s):  
Monica F. Cohen

When Charles Dickens tried to lobby for American support of an international copyright agreement during his wildly popular 1842 tour of the United States, the English author was famously shocked to find himself lambasted as an elitist who dared expect payment for what Americans believed they had the right to read for free (McGill 109–40; Claybaugh 71; Pettitt 152). Dickens encountered in the practice of literary piracy, or what was called in the United States, the culture of reprinting, a deep fissure in capitalist democratic culture between individual ownership and public access, an ideological divide that forms the backdrop for the creation and circulation of nineteenth-century print. If the legal privatization of intellectual property hovered in the imagination of so many Victorian writers, it formed the happy ending of a long nineteenth-century struggle over literary piracy, a contention of goods that shaped the Victorian stage as we well as the transatlantic literary marketplace.


2020 ◽  
Vol 28 (2) ◽  
pp. 101-110
Author(s):  
Lindsay Parks Pieper

At specific moments in history, women publicly entered the masculine realm of baseball to advance female suffrage in the United States. Girls and women took to the field in the nineteenth century, enjoying newfound bodily freedoms and disrupting Victorian constraints. While their performances may not have always translated into explicit suffrage activism, their athleticism demonstrated strength at a time when many people used women’s supposed weakness as an argument against their political enfranchisement. However, as the popularity of baseball increased at the turn of the century, the number of female ballplayers decreased. Activism in the sport therefore changed. In the mid-1910s, suffragists advertised at men’s baseball games. The women recognized the value of promoting suffrage through sport; yet, they also acknowledged that by entering ballparks, they entered a male space. Suffragists therefore exhibited conventional White gender norms to avoid aggrieving male voters. Women’s different engagements with baseball, as either players or spectators, had varying consequences for women’s political and sporting emancipation. Women’s physical activism in baseball demonstrated female prowess and strength in sport, but only abstractly advanced women’s political rights; suffragists’ promotional efforts through men’s baseball more directly influenced the eventual passage of the Nineteenth Amendment, but their actions supported women’s position on the sidelines.


2020 ◽  
pp. 1-10
Author(s):  
Paula A. Monopoli

The right of citizens of the United States to vote shall not be denied or abridged by the United States or by any state on account of sex. Congress shall have power to enforce this article by appropriate legislation. —U.S. Const. amend. XIX On August 26, 1920, these words became part of the United States Constitution as its Nineteenth Amendment. The requisite thirty-six states had ratified the amendment in the year since its enactment by Congress on June 4, 1919. A revolution in women’s rights, spanning over seventy years, came to a quiet conclusion as Secretary of State Bainbridge Colby signed the measure into law in the privacy of his home at eight o’clock in the morning....


Author(s):  
Adam I. Attwood

This chapter provides historical analysis of the United States Women's Bureau focusing on its role in women's rights, immigration, and economic advancement in the United States from 1917-1930. The decade of the 1920s dawned on August 18, 1920 with the ratification of the Nineteenth Amendment to the United States Constitution granting women the right to vote in every state. But there was another, less known victory that had already occurred on June 5, 1920, one that was pivotal in the trajectory of the next phase of the women's rights movement throughout the 1920s: House Resolution 13229.


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