The Black Worker: The Negro and the Labor Movement

1968 ◽  
Vol 3 (4) ◽  
pp. 523
Author(s):  
Lester C. Thurow ◽  
Sterling D. Spero ◽  
Abram L. Harris
Keyword(s):  
1931 ◽  
Vol 26 (175) ◽  
pp. 370
Author(s):  
Albert Abrahamson ◽  
Sterling D. Spero ◽  
Abram L. Harris
Keyword(s):  

2019 ◽  
Vol 44 (4) ◽  
pp. 396-402
Author(s):  
Augustus C. Wood

This paper contextualizes the socioeconomic condition of the African-American working class in the American Labor Movement. As the union movement continues its steady decline, African-American social conditions are deteriorating at an alarming pace. Racial oppression disrupted historically powerful labor movements as African-Americans served in predominantly subproletariat labor positions. As a result, Black workers endured the racially oppressive U.S. structure on the periphery of the U.S. Labor Movement. I argue that Black working-class social conditions are dialectically related to their subjugated position in the modern-day union movement. Therefore, for Black social conditions and working-class conditions to improve overall, the union movement must centralize the conditions of the Black workers.


Asian Survey ◽  
1977 ◽  
Vol 17 (10) ◽  
pp. 931-951 ◽  
Author(s):  
Bevars D. Mabry
Keyword(s):  

1991 ◽  
Vol 30 (4) ◽  
pp. 53-70
Author(s):  
I. G. Shablinskii
Keyword(s):  

Author(s):  
Joana Dias Pereira

This article main goal is to deepen the understanding both a spatial reality and a historical process – the emergency of industrial areas and workers communities.  It seeks to illustrate, through an empirical and monographic research, several territorial and spatial phenomena related to the germination of intricate social networks in the workers neighborhoods and villages and the rise of the labor movement. It attempts to demonstrate that, if many questions still prevail concerning the relationships between economic structure and political action, it is clear that the origin of the workers mass associations is deeply related with industrialization, urbanization and the sociability framework resulting of both processes.


Author(s):  
Emily E. LB. Twarog

In 1973, housewives in California launched what would be the last meat boycott of the twentieth century. And, like its predecessors, the 1973 boycott gained national momentum albeit with little political traction now that Peterson had left public life for a job in the private sector as the consumer advisor to the Giant grocery store chain. And in some quarters of the labor movement, activists drew very clear links between the family economy and the stagnation plaguing workers’ wages. The 1973 boycott led to the founding of the National Consumers Congress, a national organization intended to unite consumer organizers. While it was a short-lived organization, it demonstrates the momentum that consumer activism was building. This chapter also reflects on the lost coordinating opportunity between housewives organizing around consumer issues and the women’s movement in the 1970s.


Sign in / Sign up

Export Citation Format

Share Document