Voting Behaviour and Socio-Economic Characteristics: The Middlesex East Federal Election, 1965

1967 ◽  
Vol 33 (3) ◽  
pp. 389 ◽  
Author(s):  
James W. Simmons
Keyword(s):  
Voting Behaviour ◽  
Federal Election

Voting Behaviour among the Gay, Lesbian, Bisexual and Transgendered Electorate

2012 ◽  
Vol 45 (1) ◽  
pp. 89-117 ◽  
Author(s):  
Andrea M.L. Perrella ◽  
Steven D. Brown ◽  
Barry J. Kay
Keyword(s):  
Conservative Party ◽  
Voting Behaviour ◽  
Same Sex ◽  
Federal Election ◽  
Same Sex Marriage ◽  
Demographic Profile ◽  
Demographic Group ◽  
Vote Pattern

Abstract.The gay, lesbian, bisexual and transgendered (GLBT) population is a good example of a demographic group that has been understudied because it is difficult to develop a subsample of sufficient size from typical national samples. Here we exploit the extraordinary size of a 2006 online election day survey (with about 35,000 respondents) to examine how the GLBT community behaves politically. While it will surprise no one that this community bestowed little support on Stephen Harper's Conservative party in the 2006 federal election, the factors behind such a consistent vote pattern are not adequately understood. In order to shed more light on the voting behaviour of the GLBT electorate, we develop a socio-demographic profile of the group, and explore three explanatory angles: 1) salience of issue campaign dynamics, given that the same-sex marriage issue was prominent in 2006; 2) ideological and attitudinal proclivities; and 3) strategic considerations.Résumé.La population gaie, lesbiennes, bisexuels et transgenres (GLBT) est un exemple d'un groupe démographique qui a été peu étudié, car il est difficile de développer un sous-échantillon de taille suffisante à partir d'échantillons nationaux. Ici, nous exploitons la taille extraordinaire d'une enquête enligne du jour du scrutin fédérale du 2006 (avec environ 35.000 répondants) d'examiner comment la communauté GLBT se comporte politiquement. Bien qu'il ne surprendra personne que cette communauté accordé peu d'appui sur Parti conservateur de Stephen Harper lors de l'élection fédérale de 2006, les facteurs qui expliquent un tel motif ne sont pas bien compris. Afin de jeter plus de lumière sur le comportement de vote de l'électorat GLBT, nous développons un profil sociodémographique de cette groupe, et d'explorer trois angles explicatives: 1) pertinence de la question du mariage de même sexe, 2) tendances idéologiques, et 3) des considérations stratégiques.

Great Debates: The Televised Leadership Debates of 1979

1985 ◽  
Vol 18 (1) ◽  
pp. 135-153 ◽  
Author(s):  
Lawrence LeDuc ◽  
Richard Price
Keyword(s):  
Potential Effect ◽  
Voting Behaviour ◽  
Direct Effects ◽  
Election Study ◽  
Federal Election ◽  
Party Leaders ◽  
National Election Study ◽  
Public Exposure ◽  
Using Data ◽  
Voting Decisions

AbstractThis article examines the structure and setting of Encounter '79, the televised debates between party leaders which took place a week prior to the 1979 federal election, and considers the possible impact of this event on individual voting behaviour and on the outcome of that election. Using data from the 1979 National Election Study to measure exposure to the debates and perceptions of their content, it is argued that much of the potential effect is limited by public exposure to other political information through television and by the tendencies of such events to reinforce existing attitudes. The direct effects, if any, are more likely to be on participation than on voting decisions.

Voting Behaviour and the Outcome of the 1979 Federal Election: The Impact of Leaders and Issues

1982 ◽  
Vol 15 (3) ◽  
pp. 517-552 ◽  
Author(s):  
Harold D. Clarke ◽  
Jane Jenson ◽  
Lawrence LeDuc ◽  
Jon Pammett
Keyword(s):  
Voting Behaviour ◽  
Dominant Position ◽  
Federal Election ◽  
Federal Politics ◽  
The Impact

Given the Liberal party's dominant position in Canadian federal politics, it has been extremely difficult for the Progressive Conservatives to effect an electoral breakthrough and win enough parliamentary seats to form a government. In this century, the Conservatives have been in power for only 22 years. The last time the party formed a majority government was in the spectacular Diefenbaker victory of 1958 which gave the Conservatives 208 of 265 seats. After the demise of the Diefenbaker government in 1963, the Conservatives languished in opposition until 1979 when they won a plurality of seats and Joe Clark formed his short-lived government. It is the election of 1979 which provides the focus of analysis in this article, and especially the success of the Conservatives in supplanting the Liberals, although not with a majority government.

scholarly journals Climate Change Beliefs Count: Relationships With Voting Outcomes at the 2010 Australian Federal Election

2015 ◽  
Vol 3 (1) ◽  
pp. 124-141 ◽  
Author(s):  
Rod McCrea ◽  
Zoe Leviston ◽  
Iain Walker ◽  
Tung-Kai Shyy
Keyword(s):  
Climate Change ◽  
Political Parties ◽  
Voting Behaviour ◽  
Related Factors ◽  
Role Of Government ◽  
Federal Election ◽  
Individual Level ◽  
Conservative Coalition ◽  
Change Beliefs ◽  
The Individual

Climate change is a political as well as an environmental issue. Climate change beliefs are commonly associated with voting behaviour, but are they associated withswingsin voting behaviour? The latter are arguably more important for election outcomes. This paper investigates the predictive power of these beliefs on voting swings at the 2010 Australian federal election after controlling for a range of other related factors (demographic characteristics of voters, different worldviews about nature and the role of government, and the perceived opportunity cost of addressing climate change). Drawing on data from two nationally representative surveys of voters and data from the Australian Electoral Commission, this paper investigates relationships between climate change beliefs and voting swings at both the individual and electorate levels. At an individual level, a hypothetical 10% change in climate change beliefs was associated with a 2.6% swing from a conservative Coalition and a 2.0% swing toward Labor and 1.7% toward the Greens party, both left on the political spectrum. At the electorate level, this equates to a shift of 21 seats between the two main political parties (the Coalition and Labor) in Australia’s 150 seat parliament, after allocating Green preferences. Given many seats are marginal, even modest shifts in climate change beliefs can be associated with changes in electoral outcomes. Thus, climate change is expected to remain a politically contested issue in countries like Australia where political parties seek to distinguish themselves, in part, by their responses to climate change.

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