The Political Economy of Eastern European Trade with the European Community: Why so Sensitive?

1993 ◽  
Vol 8 (16) ◽  
pp. 139 ◽  
Author(s):  
Jim Rollo ◽  
Alasdair Smith ◽  
John S. Flemming ◽  
Hans-Werner Sinn
Author(s):  
Besnik Pula

This chapter demonstrates how political factors determined the path of postsocialist development and international market specialization in the 2000s. International market roles of individual economies built upon the cumulative advantages in transnational production Central and Eastern European economies gained during their socialist experience, but it was the political challenge of turning cumulative advantage into a sustained comparative institutional advantage that brought important gains in the capital, technological and skill base of the economy that concerned the politics of reform in the 1990s and 2000s. It was here that the interplay between industrial restructuring and reform of other institutions of the political economy came to matter. The chapter examines these policy patterns to show the divergent specialization of Hungary and Slovakia into an assembly platform, Czech Republic and Slovenia into an intermediate producer, and Bulgaria, Poland, and Romania into combined roles.


1992 ◽  
Vol 24 (2) ◽  
pp. 163-172 ◽  
Author(s):  
Glen C.W. Ames

AbstractA model of the political economy of agricultural policy formulation was used to analyze the current stalemate in the Uruguay Round of Multilateral Trade Negotiations. The combination of social welfare increasing and transferring policies in the European Community and the U.S. is one of the primary causes of the deadlock in trade negotiations. The Community's farm policy of high internal price supports, limited market access, and export subsidies represents short-term equilibria in the market for social-welfare policies which distribute benefits to producers at the expense of consumers and taxpayers. Thus, the opportunity for internal reform of the CAP leading to a compromise in the GATT negotiations is problematic at best. However, international commitments to agricultural policy reform will force the Community to make concessions which will bring equivalent change in domestic policy.


1984 ◽  
Vol 38 (4) ◽  
pp. 709-731 ◽  
Author(s):  
Vincent A. Mahler

The historically unstable world trade in sugar has long stimulated multilateral efforts to stabilize sugar prices. In the negotiations leading to the International Sugar Agreement (ISA) of 1977, both producers and consumers were willing to make short-term concessions in the interest of reaching an accord that would benefit all in the long run–a pattern that has hardly been typical of North-South bargaining in general. But the ISA has failed to achieve its goal of more stable sugar prices in the years since its enactment. This failure is primarily due not to shortcomings in the agreement itself but rather to a major expansion of production in the only important sugar exporter that failed to ratify the ISA, the European Community. The ISA is important not only in its own right but also because it offers a good example of the promise–and the problems–of international commodity agreements in bringing about more stable and equitable relations between North and South.


1994 ◽  
Vol 47 (1) ◽  
pp. 1-18
Author(s):  
Joan Lockwood O'Donovan

Today the whole of Europe, East and West, is caught up in the search for new political and economic structures, sadly, along violent and atavistic as well as peaceful and constructive paths. In the West the fulcrum of change is the halting movement of countries toward economic and political ‘integration’ within the European Community. The issue of what form, or forms, the Community should take (whether federal, confederal, or more loosely associative) is understandably divisive, for its resolution will determine the political shape, not only of the member states, but also of those western European countries (should there be any eventually) that remain either outside the Community or only partially integrated in it. Moreover, it will decisively influence the political and economic aspirations and possibilities of the Community's eastern European neighbours, and even of their Soviet or ex-Soviet neighbours. Thus are we justified in viewing the fate of the European Community as the fate of Europe. Consequendy, it is a task of theoretical and practical moment to attempt to grasp the civilisational meaning of the projected European union with the help of some points of reference from western Europe's past and present.


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