scholarly journals The Independence of the South American Republics: A Study in Recognition and Foreign Policy

1903 ◽  
Vol 17 (2) ◽  
pp. 149 ◽  
Author(s):  
Frederic L. Paxson
1904 ◽  
Vol 9 (2) ◽  
pp. 383
Author(s):  
Worthington C. Ford ◽  
Frederic L. Paxson

2010 ◽  
Vol 53 (spe) ◽  
pp. 151-168 ◽  
Author(s):  
Miriam Gomes Saraiva

The aim of this article is to analyze Brazil's foreign policy towards the South American region during President Lula's administration. As such, the article intends to highlight two specific dimensions: the extent to which foreign policy during this period has differed from previous periods and the relative importance granted by Brazilian diplomacy to recent cooperation and integration efforts, more specifically the Unasur and Mercosur. The article argues that the Lula administration has behaved differently from its predecessors by prioritizing the building up of Brazilian leadership in South America on several different fronts, especially by strengthening multilateral institutions in the region


2020 ◽  
Vol 2020 (55) ◽  
pp. 425-439
Author(s):  
Anita Oberda Monkiewicz

The purpose of the article is to discuss the place and role of Latin America in Brazil’s foreign policy. The article leads to the conclusion that, starting from the 1990s, Latin America, a region that was marginalized for many years, gained an important place in Brazilian policy. The construction of the South American community has become an instrument of strengthening regional leadership, although due to the lack of a coherent strategy towards the direct neighbourhood, it proved to be short-lived.


2013 ◽  
Vol 1 (3) ◽  
pp. 481-497
Author(s):  
Roberto Goulart Menezes

O objetivo deste artigo é discutir a trajetória recente da integração regional a partir de uma perspectiva brasileira tendo como referência à política externa do governo Lula da Silva para a América do Sul. Na trajetória da integração sul-americana persistem problemas estruturais tais como a baixa complementaridade econômica, baixa interdependência, assimetrias, baixa capacidade da maioria dos Estados entre outros. Apesar dessas adversidades e entraves a integração segue no horizonte. Para lidar com os desafios da integração ao longo da última década, o Itamaraty passou a trabalhar com duas agendas: uma seletiva e a outra profunda.  Abstract: The aim of this work is to discuss the recent trajectory of the regional integration  from a Brazilian perspective taking into account the foreign policy of Lula da Silva government to South America. In this trajectory of the south American  integration persist structural problems such as low economic complementarity, low interdependence, asymmetries, low capacity of most states among others. Spite of these adversities and obstacles the integration follows in the horizon. To deal with the challenges  of the integration a long with the last decade, Itamaraty started to work with two agendas: selective and deep ones. 


2020 ◽  
Vol 9 (1) ◽  
Author(s):  
Eduardo Da Nóbrega Monteiro ◽  
Mônica Leite Lessa

Este artigo abordará a relação entre a mídia e a política externa brasileira em momentos de crise regional. Para tanto, as narrativas de liderança brasileira, construídas pela Mídia nacional– no caso, jornal o Globo – sobre a região da América do Sul serão retratadas em quatro momentos de crise diferentes, mas com dois países apenas: Bolívia e Venezuela. As crises são: (i) na tentativa de golpe de Estado na Venezuela, em 2002; (ii) durante a nacionalização dos hidrocarbonetos bolivianos, em 2006; (iii) a vinda do senador boliviano Roger Pinto, em 2013; e (iv) a suspensão da Venezuela no Mercosul, em 2016. O marco teórico deste artigo se pauta na Teoria Crítica e apresenta propostas para se analisar o papel da mídia na sociedade e sua relação com a política externa brasileira em momentos específicos.Palavras-chave: Mídia; Política Externa Brasileira; Teoria Crítica.ABSTRACTThis article will address the relation between the media and the Brazilian Foreign Politic in times of regional crisis. By doing so, the narratives of the Brazilian leadership, built by the national media – in this case, the newspaper O Globo – about the South American region will be portrayed in four different scenarios of crisis, but with only two countries: Bolivia and Venezuela. Those crises are: (i) the attempted coup in Venezuela in 2002; (ii) during the nationalization of the Bolivian hydrocarbons, in 2006; (iii) with the Bolivian senator Roger Pinto, in 2013; and (iv) the suspension of Venezuela in Mercosur, in 2016. The theoretical framework of this article is based on the Critical Theory and it presents pathways to analyze the role of the media in society and its relations with the Brazilian Foreign Policy.Keywords: Media; Brazilian Foreign Policy; Critical Theory.


2013 ◽  
Vol 17 (3-4) ◽  
pp. 272-292 ◽  
Author(s):  
Kai Michael Kenkel

This article analyses the peacekeeping efforts of Brazil, an emerging power for which peacebuilding is a key element of its international presence, and which has been strongly critical of the dominant liberal paradigm. Peacebuilding is key to Brazil’s approach, as the country by tradition participates (with the contested exception of MINUSTAH) only in Chapter VI peace operations, abjuring the robust use of force. An activity such as peacebuilding which marries development and security concerns is an ideal setting for Brazil’s foreign policy aims; in order to gain a seat in global decisionmaking bodies, in the absence of hard power and the will to use it Brazil turns to peacebuilding to transform its domestic development successes into action in the security arena. The South American giant has also placed significant emphasis on Africa in part as a means to the end of underscoring – as a voice for the global South – its claim to greater international influence. This article will examine the motivations that underpin Brazil’s commitment to peacebuilding operations, as well as its commitment to that practice in Africa, which has taken place largely on a bilateral basis.


2019 ◽  
Vol 35 (2) ◽  
pp. 143-170
Author(s):  
Gerardo Gurza-Lavalle

This work analyses the diplomatic conflicts that slavery and the problem of runaway slaves provoked in relations between Mexico and the United States from 1821 to 1857. Slavery became a source of conflict after the colonization of Texas. Later, after the US-Mexico War, slaves ran away into Mexican territory, and therefore slaveholders and politicians in Texas wanted a treaty of extradition that included a stipulation for the return of fugitives. This article contests recent historiography that considers the South (as a region) and southern politicians as strongly influential in the design of foreign policy, putting into question the actual power not only of the South but also of the United States as a whole. The problem of slavery divided the United States and rendered the pursuit of a proslavery foreign policy increasingly difficult. In addition, the South never acted as a unified bloc; there were considerable differences between the upper South and the lower South. These differences are noticeable in the fact that southerners in Congress never sought with enough energy a treaty of extradition with Mexico. The article also argues that Mexico found the necessary leeway to defend its own interests, even with the stark differential of wealth and resources existing between the two countries. El presente trabajo analiza los conflictos diplomáticos entre México y Estados Unidos que fueron provocados por la esclavitud y el problema de los esclavos fugitivos entre 1821 y 1857. La esclavitud se convirtió en fuente de conflicto tras la colonización de Texas. Más tarde, después de la guerra Mexico-Estados Unidos, algunos esclavos se fugaron al territorio mexicano y por lo tanto dueños y políticos solicitaron un tratado de extradición que incluyera una estipulación para el retorno de los fugitivos. Este artículo disputa la idea de la historiografía reciente que considera al Sur (en cuanto región), así como a los políticos sureños, como grandes influencias en el diseño de la política exterior, y pone en tela de juicio el verdadero poder no sólo del Sur sino de Estados Unidos en su conjunto. El problema de la esclavitud dividió a Estados Unidos y dificultó cada vez más el impulso de una política exterior que favoreciera la esclavitud. Además, el Sur jamás operó como unidad: había diferencias marcadas entre el Alto Sur y el Bajo Sur. Estas diferencias se observan en el hecho de que los sureños en el Congreso jamás se esforzaron en buscar con suficiente energía un tratado de extradición con México. El artículo también sostiene que México halló el margen de maniobra necesario para defender sus propios intereses, pese a los fuertes contrastes de riqueza y recursos entre los dos países.


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