Free Movement of Workers in the European Economic Community: The Public Policy Exception

1977 ◽  
Vol 29 (6) ◽  
pp. 1283
Author(s):  
Louis H. Singer
2005 ◽  
Vol 20 (1-2) ◽  
pp. 177-228 ◽  
Author(s):  
Ivan Bernier

The object of this paper is to assess the constitutional position as to economic integration within Canada. Following a short review of'the basic elements of economic integration, it proceeds to analyse the law and practice relating to the free circulation of goods, and the free movement of persons, services and capital in Canada. Since such questions are usually associated with the concept of common market, a brief comparison is made on these various points with the practice of the European Economic Community. As far as concerns the free circulation of goods, the study starts with the usual distinction between tariff and non-tariff barriers. If customs duties have long since disappeared between the provinces, the author finds that charges having an effect equivalent to customs duties are not totally precluded under Canadian constitutional law, and as a matter of fact are occasionally encountered in practice. The paper also shows that if non-tariff barriers to interprovincial trade are theoretically precluded under s. 91(2) of the B.N.A. Act, certain types of obstacles not only appear constitutionally acceptable, but also are largely used by governments in practice, such as preferential purchasing policies, subsidies, public enterprises, etc. In the end, when our constitutional rules pertaining to the free circulation of goods are compared with those in application within the European Economic Community, they appear less stringent, leaving greater room for intervention to the provinces. The situation, as far as concerns the free movement of persons, services and capital is quite different. As the study finds, there are no clearly articulated principles relating to these questions in the Canadian constitution. However, due to the existence of a common nationality and a common currency, the most serious difficulties in this respect have been avoided. From that point of view, Canada has benefited from a clear advantage over the European Economic Community. Yet, regarding the free movement of persons and services, the paper shows that whereas no progress appears to have been made on that score within the last decade in Canada, the E.E.C. is pushing forward with plans calling for the common recognition of diplomas, etc. And regarding the free movement of capital, it appears that if the E.E.C has not progressed much since the first years of the Treaty of Rome, Canada for its part appears at the moment to be heading for a period of greater restriction on the movement of capital within the country. In conclusion, the question is raised whether the material division of jurisdiction between the federal and provincial governments, as opposed to a functional division of jurisdiction as is to be found in the E.E.C, is not responsible for the centripetal kind of federalism that appears more and more in demand in Canada as far as concerns economic matters. Acting unilaterally on the basis of its exclusive powers, the federal government has adopted so-called common policies that appear to have met with a large measure of disapproval from the various provinces. But this is a different problem that requires a separate treatment.


2021 ◽  
pp. 100-120
Author(s):  
Anne Dennett

This chapter discusses UK membership of the European Union and the Brexit process. On 1 January 1973, the UK became a member of the European Economic Community, and the UK Parliament passed the European Communities Act 1972, allowing directly applicable European laws to take effect as part of UK domestic law which had an impact on parliamentary sovereignty. In the 2016 Brexit referendum, a narrow majority of the public voted in favour of leaving the European Union and the European Union (Withdrawal) Act 2018 repealed the European Communities Act 1972 on exit day when the UK left the European Union. Brexit has made significant changes to the UK constitution including the creation of a new body of retained EU law in UK domestic law, an impact on devolution, and raising the question of whether it has been a sufficient constitutional moment to trigger a codified UK constitution.


Author(s):  
Sally Tomlinson ◽  
Sally Tomlinson

Chapter 4 documents the way in which former colonised subjects with a variety of backgrounds, languages and religions were openly regarded as a threat to a British identity. Political moves included more immigration control and campaigns for repatriation. Violent clashes between the police and young minorities took place during the 1980s. Comprehensive schooling expanded and minorities were subsumed under the label of disadvantage. Attempts by teachers, local authorities, minority parents and academics to change policies in a multicultural and anti-racist direction were met with hostility. The public schools and some universities, educating many current politicians and civil servants, were not notable for embracing curriculum change. After a referendum the UK finally joined a European Economic Community in 1975.


2021 ◽  
pp. 1-15
Author(s):  
Hugo Canihac

This article contributes to the debate about the history of the political economy of the European Economic Community (EEC). It retraces the efforts during the early years of the EEC to implement a form of ‘European economic programming’, that is, a more ‘dirigiste’ type of economic governance than is usually associated with European integration. Based on a variety of archives, it offers a new account of the making and failure of this project. It argues that, at the time, the idea of economic programming found many supporters, but its implementation largely failed for political as well as practical reasons. In so doing, it also brings to light the role of economists during the early years of European integration.


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