Islam, gender and urbanisation among the Mafa of north Cameroon: the differing commitment to ‘home’ among Muslims and non-Muslims

Africa ◽  
1998 ◽  
Vol 68 (3) ◽  
pp. 403-424 ◽  
Author(s):  
José C. M. van Santen

The history of the town of Mokolo, in the heart of the land of the Mafa (in northern Cameroon), exhibits a specific pattern of urbanisation that seems characteristic of Islamic frontier zones generally in Africa. The town was founded as a settlement for converted slaves towards the end of the nineteenth century by Fulbe chiefs who regularly raided the area. Since that time urbanisation has largely gone hand in hand with Islamisation. It has involved, therefore, a marked change of identity for Mafa converts in the town, with drastic consequences for their relationship with their areas of origin in the mountains. The article emphasises, moreover, that the implications of Islamisation/urbanisation differ along gender lines. Although for both men and women the Muslim community in town provided specific forms of social security, the motives for migration, and the ways men and women were included in the urban community, differed sharply. In the 1980s, owing to political changes at the national level, the pressure to convert to Islam decreased throughout northern Cameroon. Since then the number of migrants to town who do not convert has increased rapidly. Mokolo used to be a Muslim town. In the 1990s, however, it has become more and more a Mafa town, and thus symbolises the revival of Mafa ethnicity as a truly region-wide force.

2020 ◽  
Vol 65 (S28) ◽  
pp. 39-65
Author(s):  
Trevor Burnard

AbstractHistorians have mostly ignored Kingston and its enslaved population, despite it being the fourth largest town in the British Atlantic before the American Revolution and the town with the largest enslaved population in British America before emancipation. The result of such historiographical neglect is a lacuna in scholarship. In this article, I examine one period of the history of slavery in Kingston, from when the slave trade in Jamaica was at its height, from the early 1770s through to the early nineteenth century, and then after the slave trade was abolished but when slavery in the town became especially important. One question I especially want to explore is how Kingston maintained its prosperity even after its major trade – the Atlantic slave trade – was stopped by legislative fiat in 1807.


2003 ◽  
Vol 19 (2) ◽  
pp. 331-366
Author(s):  
Terry Rugeley

Yucatáán's overthrow of the French-sponsored Empire (1864-1867) began under the leadership of a man named Buenaventura Martíínez, a now-forgotten landowner and militia officer from the town of Baca. A detailed reconstruction of Martíínez's life reveals three points. First, his rebellion arose not at the command of national political figures, but instead over local issues and under local leadership. Martíínez belonged to a family of small- to moderate-sized landowners from the town of Baca, he had a history of rebellion against authority figures, and he was able to muster multiethnic support through personal charisma, family connections, and ties of compadrazgo. His revolt built upon popular discontent with Imperial attempts to revive the Caste War. Launching his rebellion in 1866, Martíínez ultimately ceded leadership to the better-known Colonel Manuel Cepeda Peraza, but not before galvanizing Yucatecans to rebellion and constructing the basis of the Republican army. Second, an examination of post-Imperial Baca reveals that Mexico's republican restoration period (1867-1876) for the most part continued the basics of pre-1867 political culture. Third, his story reveals how important actors in Mexican history have been forgotten as national level politics and culture have displaced local memory. The recovery of that local memory, and particular of individuals such as Buenaventura Martíínez, remains critical to a deeper understanding of Mexican history. Le derrota del imperio patrocinado por Francia en Yucatáán empezóó en 1866 bajo el mando de un tal Buenaventura Martíínez, un ahora olvidado propietario y official de milicias del pueblo de Baca. La recononstruccióón detallada de la vida de Martíínez revela tres puntos. En primer lugar, su rebellion no se originóó bajo el mando de las figuras polííticas nacionales, sino en respuesta a los asuntos locales y por el liderazgo - asimismo - local. Martíínez pertencióó a una familia de ha*An cendados de tamañño pequeñño o mediano del pueblo de Baca, tuvo una historia de insubordinacióón hacia las autoridades, y fue capaz de mobilizar apoyo multiéétnico por su carisma personal, sus conecciones familiares, y sus lazos de padrinazgo. Su insurreccióón se aprovechóó del descontento popular por los intentos imperiales de resucitar la Guerra de Castas. Eventualmente Martíínez cedióó el liderazgo al mejor conocido Coronel Manuel Cepeda Peraza, no sin antes haber construíído el ejéército de resistencia al llamar a los yucatecos a tomar armas. En segundo lugar, un anáálisis de Baca pos-imperial demuestra que el perííodo de la restauracióón republicana (1867-1876) por la mayor parte continuóó los puntos báásicos de la cultura políítica anteriores a 1867. En tercer lugar, su historia demuestra como ciertos actores importantes de la historia mexicana han sido olvidados mientras que la políítica y la cultura de nivel nacional han desplazado la memoria local. El recobro de esa memoria local, y especialmente de individuos como Buenaventura Martíínez, es transcendental para una comprensióón máás profunda de la historia mexicana.


Author(s):  
Dzhuletta V. Mikhaylova

The article deals with the problem of studying the history of organizing public education in the town of Mariupol and the district. The author seeks to trace the process of establishing the first classical secondary school for men and women, initiated by the teacher and educator Feoktist Khartakhay. The basis of the scientific research is the data on F. Khartakhay’s phased organization of process of opening educational institutions – from goal-setting to the implementation of the objective, the teaching staff of the schools, their material and technical base, academic staff, sources of funding.


Urban History ◽  
1988 ◽  
Vol 15 ◽  
pp. 58-64 ◽  
Author(s):  
A. J. Vickery

Charles Dickens visited Preston in January 1854 to report on the cotton lock-out of that year. What he saw contributed to his vision of the archetypal northern, urban industrial centre, Coketown:It was a town of red brick or of brick that would have been red if the smoke and ashes had allowed it; but as matters stood it was a town of unnatural red and black like the painted face of a savage. It was a town of machinery and tall chimneys, out of which interminable serpents of smoke trailed themselves forever and ever and never got uncoiled.Three years later a rather different topographical account appeared in Charles Hardwick's history of the borough:Notwithstanding the occasional carpings of a few splenetic travellers, Preston is generally and deservedly recognized as one of the cleanest and most pleasantly situated manufacturing towns in England. The cotton factories are chiefly erected to the north and east of the old aristocratic borough …. and do not as yet materially interfere with the more ‘fashionable’ or picturesque sections of the district.The contrast illuminates the shortcomings of the town history both as literature and historical geography; but indicates the tenor of Prestonian self-justification. It is precisely this prosaic subjectivity which makes the histories a rich source. As Peter Clark asserts, ‘even fifth-rate urban historians sometimes have an important story to tell.’Unlike many other towns with long-established traditions of urban chronicling, history writing in Preston did not blossom until the nineteenth century.


Author(s):  
Michael P. Roller

Chapter 4 examines the material dimensions of structural violence underpinning the explicit subjective violence of the massacre. The chapter outlines the history of migration to the Anthracite region’s company towns, explicating the material and spatial factors creating and maintaining the racialized labor hierarchy. Specifically, the chapter describes the development of shanty towns on the periphery of company-built housing around the last two decades of the nineteenth century. This chapter concludes that these ethnic enclaves mark out new spaces of exception in the landscape of the town. Their presence materializes ownership’s new dependence upon immigrant surplus labor pools and mechanized work processes to capitalize upon the exigencies of the industry, economic depression, stiff competition, and an increasingly organized craft labor force.


1986 ◽  
Vol 31 (1) ◽  
pp. 80-94
Author(s):  
Eric Hopkins

It is not too much to say that over the last twenty years the history of working-class housing in the nineteenth century has been transformed. Many older historians, of course, took it for granted that the quality of houses built to meet the needs of the fast-growing urban population was uniformly bad, a testimony to the avarice of builders and landlords alike. Beliefs of this kind owed much to Engels, and to the Hammonds writing earlier this century about the life of the town labourter. One of the first suggestions that these views were really an over-simplified description of housing conditions came from Professor Ashworth in the 1950's, who pointed out that it was quite wrong to suppose that all nineteenth-century towns developed on the same lines, a kind of Coketown endlessly repeated. While not denying that there was a great deal of poor-quality building, more recently historians have made it clear that newer town housing of the late eighteenth and early nineteenth centuries was not necessarily worse than housing built earlier on, or worse than rural housing built at the same time; that new building varied in construction and amenities in the same town, and from town to town; that the skilled working classes were likely to live in better-quality housing than the unskilled; and that the segregation of working-class housing from middle-class housing, and of the better-off working classes from the labouring classes, again varied from town to town.


2001 ◽  
Vol 16 (3) ◽  
pp. 423-442 ◽  
Author(s):  
ANN-KRISTIN HÖGMAN

This article investigates the impact of industrialization and urbanization on the migration patterns of elderly Swedish men and women in the town of Sundsvall during the nineteenth century. The geographical mobility of old men and women increased as industrialization proceeded. Social ties were important factors in the decision to migrate, and the study investigates in particular the significance of social networks for childless old persons. This analysis also examines migration patterns among elderly men and women of different social groups. Very few childless men seem to have moved to live with a relative, whereas a higher proportion of migrating women in this category had some kinship network. A similar pattern was found among widowers and widows. There was also a class dimension: relatives seem to have been most important for the group of women belonging to the petty bourgeoisie.


2016 ◽  
Vol 8 (2) ◽  
pp. 111
Author(s):  
Nur Faizah

Religion is a social institution, especially for the Muslim community in general, determine the dynamics of the entire development community. In many cases the social processes that marginalizing women, intentionally or not, often involving religion as elements forming knowledge about relationships between men and women are unequal, and often used as a source of theological legitimacy of the above indisputable fact that marginalize women. During this time, the field of study of the Qur’an many scholars dominated philology and history. This led to a prolonged confusion between the text and the history of salvation history, which is implicit in it. This needs to be solved, with the view that the text of the Qur'an and his commentary as an expression of the views of Islam. This is where the importance of the legacy of structuralism in a given interpretation. By using Levi-Strauss' structuralism, an attempt to determine the relationship webs in the narrative, the relationship is either syntagmatic or paradigmatic, to find hidden messages or messages that are deepest in the verses of the Qur’an.  [Agama merupakan institusi sosial, terutama untuk masyarakat muslim pada umumnya, sangat menentukan seluruh perkembangan dinamika masyarakat. Dalam banyak kasus proses sosial yang memarginalisasikan perempuan, sengaja atau tidak, sering melibatkan agama sebagai unsur pembentuk pengetahuan tentang relasi laki-laki-perempuan yang timpang dan seringkali dijadikan sumber legitimasi teologis yang tidak terbantahkan atas kenyataan yang menyudutkan perempuan. Selama ini, bidang kajian al-Qur’an banyak didominasi sarjana filologi dan sejarah. Ini memunculkan kerancuan berkepanjangan antara sejarah teks tersebut dan sejarah penyelamatan, yang secara implisit terkandung di dalamnya. Hal ini perlu dipecahkan, dengan memandang bahwa teks al-Qur’an dan tafsirnya sebagai ungkapan pandangan-pandangan Islam. Di sinilah pentingnya strukturalisme dalam memberi kekayaan khazanah penafsiran. Dengan menggunakan strukturalisme Levi-Strauss, sebuah upaya untuk mengetahui jaring-jaring relasi dalam narasi, baik relasi tersebut bersifat sintagmatik maupun paradigmatik, untuk mengetahui hidden message atau pesan terdalam yang terdapat dalam ayat-ayat al-Qur’an.]


2019 ◽  
Vol 12 (1) ◽  
pp. 78-94
Author(s):  
L. A. Vasilyeva

The paper focuses on the Indo-Mauritian Muslim Community, which plays an important role in the social and political life of the island state. The paper deals with the revival of the Urdu language spoken by the Indo-Mauritian Muslims who had almost lost the “ancestral tongue” in the process of adaptation to the Mauritius` multi-ethnic and multi- religious society through the eighteenth – nineteenth century. The study reconstructs a brief history of the Urdu-speaking Indian Muslims` migration to Mauritius and their partial assimilation with the local society. The Muslim migrants accepted the local Creole language and some elements of their culture but remained loyal to their religion and traditional Muslim values. The author makes a special emphasis upon the means of revival and development of Urdu language and the formation of the Mauritian Urdu Literature. The Urdu language today is a tool of self-identification of Indo-Mauritian Muslims and primary marker of their religious identity as well.


Lituanistica ◽  
2021 ◽  
Vol 67 (1) ◽  
Author(s):  
Laurynas Giedrimas

The article deals with the relation between the settlement and household of inhabitants in the first half of the nineteenth century in Kražiai and Užventis parishes, Samogitia. In the middle of the twentieth century, John Hajnal and Peter Laslett started researching the history of resident households. The researchers formulated theoretical and methodological basics for household analysis and encouraged other history researchers and demographers to undertake similar studies. Researchers who analysed households in Central and Eastern Europe refuted or corrected numerous statements by John Hajnal and Peter Laslett. They found that the most common household in Central and Eastern Europe was the nuclear household, although in many cases it was possible to find extended households. However, there is no clear relationship between the institution and the household. After analysing the aforementioned documents, it was discovered that during the first half of the nineteenth century, the nuclear household dominated the parishes of Kražiai and Užventis. However, the extended family is dominant in the towns of Kolainiai and Pakražantis. The single-person household dominated folwarks and manorial settlements. The relationship between the settlement and the household was significant. Eight types of settlements existed in the parishes of Kražiai and Užventis in the first half of the nineteenth century: the town (miestas, miasto), the township (miestelis, miasteczko, мњстечко), the manor (dvaras, dwór, majątek, имњние), folwark (palivarkas, folwark, фольварк), the manor village (bajorkaimis, okolica, околица), the village (kaimas, wieś, деревня), behind the wall (užusienis, zaścianek, застенок), and the felling (apyrubė, obręb, обруб). The smallest household was in the town of Kražiai, while the biggest household was found in the manor estate in Užventis parish.


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