How Real is the Charmed Circle in African and Western Thought?

Africa ◽  
1973 ◽  
Vol 43 (1) ◽  
pp. 59-71 ◽  
Author(s):  
M. G. Marwick

Opening ParagraphThis article attempts to carry further the discussion of some aspects of the issues of the analysis of relations between African traditional thought and Western concepts of causation presented by Robin Horton (1967) in earlier articles in this journal. It will also be clear to some readers that its title has been inspired by the theme of Sir Karl Popper's two-volume work, The Open Society and Its Enemies, which first appeared in 1945. In this work Popper makes a systematic attack on modern totalitarians and their predecessors, and in so doing contrasts two types of societies, ‘the open society’, which is the ideal aspired to by liberal democrats, and ‘the closed society’, which he equates with tribalism; and it is to a form of this tribalism, he contends, that the totalitarians would have us return. Popper belongs to a long line of thinkers, including philosophers, lawyers, economists, and sociologists, who have used tribal or so-called primitive man—or rather their conceptions of him—as a means of illuminating their analysis of the problems of society in general and of modern society in particular, and in so doing have often raised the hackles of social anthropologists, who, by virtue of having lived in non-literate societies, tend to consider themselves the profession most likely to know something about the people whom their social-science colleagues cite with deceptive facility. It so happens, I believe, that Popper's conception of tribal or primitive man implied in his picture of ‘the closed society’ is much nearer the mark than, say, Hobbes's picture of man in ‘the state of nature’ or of Rousseau's idea of ‘the noble savage’.

2016 ◽  
Vol 10 (3) ◽  
pp. 352-366 ◽  
Author(s):  
Bruce Baugh

In Bergsonism, Deleuze refers to Bergson's concept of an ‘open society’, which would be a ‘society of creators’ who gain access to the ‘open creative totality’ through acting and creating. Deleuze and Guattari's political philosophy is oriented toward the goal of such an open society. This would be a democracy, but not in the sense of the rule of the actually existing people, but the rule of ‘the people to come,’ for in the actually existing situation, such a people is ‘lacking’. When the people becomes a society of creators, the result is a society open to the future, creativity and the new. Their openness and creative freedom is the polar opposite of the conformism and ‘herd mentality’ condemned by Deleuze and Nietzsche, a mentality which is the basis of all narrow nationalisms (of ethnicity, race, religion and creed). It is the freedom of creating and commanding, not the Kantian freedom to obey Reason and the State. This paper uses Bergson's The Two Sources of Morality and Religion, and Deleuze and Guattari's Kafka: For a Minor Literature, A Thousand Plateaus and What is Philosophy? to sketch Deleuze and Guattari's conception of the open society and of a democracy that remains ‘to come’.


Author(s):  
Santana Khanikar

If the state in democracies like India engages in violence, then is this state still accepted by the people? The conception of legitimacy in this study is about observable behaviour, about if and why people accept power holders as authority, and not about whether it is the ideal way to engage with violent power holders within the discourses of normative political theory. And what we see in both the field-sites of this study, is acceptance, though it may be slow and appear flickering or contextual at time. The specific vision that the nation-state is, marked by geographical boundaries and internal sovereignty often needs to use violence to legitimize its existence. Such use of violence does not appear to be leading to a dis-illusionment with the form or the institutions of the state.


Africa ◽  
1935 ◽  
Vol 8 (1) ◽  
pp. 1-19 ◽  
Author(s):  
Bruno Gutmann

Opening ParagraphThe State in its essential nature is power. Its character is determined by the force with which it asserts its distinction from neighbouring states, by its dealing with the organic bonds in which the life of the people finds expression, and by its success in absorbing into and developing within its own structure the underlying spirit of those bonds. The origin of the State's consciousness of power lies at the point in the interlacing roots of tribal organization where the tension between associations based on kinship and those based on age brings about a change of balance, and leadership begins to pass to the latter, the age-class becoming a warrior class which outgrows the clan and subjects kinship-groupings to its own leaders. Once this change in leadership has taken place, that is to say, when no longer the spirit of the clan but the spirit of the age-class becomes dominant, then, by reason of the resulting tightening-up of the forces of war and of expansion, it is only a question of time before the age-class associations pass into a system of vassalage, with leaders who emerge from the age-grade system and acquire an authority more or less political in character. With the individualization of the leadership goes the differentiation of function in the State, which is first required in the organization of the army. Henceforward the tasks in the service of the State are no longer dependent on a man's place in the tribal organization, but upon accomplishments which can be learned. To acquire these forms of skill, to become proficient in their use and to obtain the advantages secured by them becomes an absorbing task which is pursued in common and given stability by associations for the purpose. This is the birth of organization. Without such organizations the State cannot take form, for they alone ensure to it the concentration of the primitive forces of the tribe for the accomplishment of the aims of the State. Thus these organized associations become agencies to develop and foster the consciousness of statehood. The tribal community consciousness which still persists in the organic tribal relationships and in their leadership systems is gradually, under the absorptive power of the new state-consciousness, forced back into the realm of mere emotion and habit and finally deprived entirely of its spiritual leadership. So that what is in reality the starting-point of man's spiritual existence, namely, his membership of an organic and tribal order of society, comes to be regarded as something purely natural and as the sphere of the instinctive preservation of the species.


2020 ◽  
Vol 11 (2) ◽  
pp. 498-510 ◽  
Author(s):  
Musa Yusuf Owoyemi

Purpose The purpose of this study is to look at Zakat management and the crisis of confidence in the ability of the state and zakat agencies to dispense zakat to the rightful beneficiaries as mentioned in the Quran. Confidence is a very important element between the payers and collectors of zakat and when this is lost, it affects the willingness of the payers to give zakat to the zakat collectors (state or zakat agency). This crisis of confidence led to the need to look at the legality of the payer giving zakat directly to the beneficiaries and whether this is a sin as argued in certain quarters. Design/methodology/approach Using the qualitative method by using historical, analytical and critical tools, the research examines the concept of proximity in the distribution of zakat and based on this argues that giving zakat directly to the beneficiaries is a viable option when there is a crisis of confidence between the payer and the state or zakat agency. Findings Through the analysis of the opinions of scholars, the research affirms that scholars are divided on whether to pay zakat to the state or give it directly to the beneficiaries. Based on this, the research concludes that although the ideal is to give zakat to the state or zakat agency, but there is no sin in giving zakat directly to the beneficiaries especially where there is a problem of confidence in the state and/or zakat agency. Research limitations/implications The research discussed the legality of giving zakat to the recipients of zakat directly using the historical, analytical and critical tools. This shows that the research is qualitative in nature and is library based therefore limited in scope. Basically, this research is concerned with refuting the claim that it is a sin for zakat payers to give zakat directly to the recipients especially when there is a problem of trust in zakat agencies and a crisis of confidence in the ability of these agencies to do what is right with the zakat funds. This leaves room for further research on the issue. Practical implications It is important to create confidence in zakat agencies' collection and distribution of zakat so that it will encourage more Muslims to pay their zakat and allow it to reach as many people as possible. Encouraging the creation of a vetting organization by Muslim professional accountants and others that can help in making zakat agencies transparent and trustworthy. Social implications It emphasizes the importance of trust and confidence that institutions must project for the people to do business with them. Originality/value The research contributes to the body of knowledge on zakat collection and distribution. It shows the importance of trust and confidence in zakat management and recommended ways in which trust and confidence could be built in the effective collection and distribution of zakat.


2021 ◽  
Vol 22 (1) ◽  
pp. 103
Author(s):  
Marhaban Marhaban

This article describes the political philosophy of Ali Hasjmy in formulating the ideal Islamic state. Hasjmy is an intellectual who has produced many works in the topics of politics, literature, and culture that are very useful for the progress and welfare of the Acehnese people and the Indonesian nation in general. The main source of this research is the work and writings of Hasjmy which are directly oriented to politics and the concept of the state. By using analytical content, this article shows several premises on Hasjmy’s utopian visions, which are; First, Muslims should not be anti-politics due to its important in achieving the benefit of the people; Second, the existence of a Islamic state as mandatory; Third, an Islamic state does not have to exist constitutionally but what must exist as Islamic values in a state; Fourth, the importance of obeying the leader; Fifth, every official or government element is responsible for exercising power.


2017 ◽  
Vol 1 (1) ◽  
pp. 6
Author(s):  
Lusy Liany ◽  
Ely Alawiyah Jufri ◽  
Mohammad Kharis Umardani

Abstrak: Pancasila bagi masyarakat Indonesia bukanlah suatu hal yang baru dan asing. Pancasila terdiri dari lima sila yang tertuang dalam Pembukaan UUD 1945 Alinea ke-IV dan diperuntukkan sebagai dasar negara Republik Indonesia. Di Indonesia, pelaksanaan  pendidikan nasional diatur dalam UU No. 20 Tahun 2003 Tentang Pendidikan Nasional. Pasal 2 UU No. 20 Tahun 2003  menyebutkan bahwa: “Pendidikan nasional berdasarkan Pancasila dan Undang-Undang Dasar Negara Republik Indonesia Tahun 1945. Pada saat ini Pancasila seiring dengan perkembangan dan perubahan zaman yang begitu pesat dan kompleks yakni di era globalisasi ini,moralsiswa-siswi Indonesia mulai dipertanyakan. Di tengah hegemoni media, revolusi iptek tidak hanya mampu menghadirkan sejumlah kemudahan dan kenyamanan hidup bagi manusia modern, melainkan juga mengundang serentetan permasalahan dan kekhawatiran terhadap kepribadian bagi seluruh bangsa Indonesia khususnya dalam hal ini para siswa-siswa. Untuk itulah, pemberian materi tentang nilai-nilai Pancasila kepada siswa-siswi mutlak diperlukan supaya para siswa-siswa agar dapat memahami nilai-nilai yang terdapat didalam Pancasila itu sendiri sehingga dapat menerapkannya dalam kehidupan berbangsa,bernegara dan bermasyarakat.Abstrak: Pancasila for the Indonesian people is not something new and unfamiliar. Pancasila consists of five precepts contained in the 1945 opening paragraph of all IV and designated as the foundation of the Republic of Indonesia. In Indonesia, the implementation of national education stipulated in Law No. 20 Year 2003 on National Education. Article 2 of Law No. 20 of 2003 states that: "The national education based on Pancasila and the Constitution of the Republic of Indonesia Year 1945. At this time Pancasila along with the development and the changing times is so rapid and complex that in this era of globalization, moralsiswa-Indonesian student was questioned. In the center of media hegemony, a revolution in science and technology is not only able to present a number of conveniences and comforts of life for modern humans, but also invited a spate of issues and concerns about the personality of the people of Indonesia, especially in this case the students. For this reason, the provision of material about the values of Pancasila to students is absolutely necessary in order for the students to understand the values contained in Pancasila itself so that it can apply in the life of the nation, the state and society.


Africa ◽  
1943 ◽  
Vol 14 (1) ◽  
pp. 4-11 ◽  
Author(s):  
Charles Jeffries

Opening ParagraphAs one walks by a great river on a windy day, the surface of the water is tossed about in all directions and it is impossible to discern the flow of the current. Yet undisturbed by this superficial agitation the mighty stream rolls on. So, underlying the storm-tossed surface of present discontents there is a surge of the human spirit towards a new conception of the State as an instrument for giving practical effect to the collective will of the people.


2019 ◽  
Vol 5 (2) ◽  
pp. 195-207
Author(s):  
Iga Gangga Santi Dewi

Abstract: The phenomenon of substantive injustice related to the kingdom land policy of in the Dictum IV letter A of the UUPA which states that “The rights and authorities of the land and water of the Swapraja or former Swapraja (kingdom) which still exist at the time of entry into force of this law are removed and transferred to the State”, is an injustice felt by former kingdom, considering that land rights are private rights that cannot be taken arbitrarily. This happened also because there was no proper compensation for the loss of the rights of their comfort in life due to arbitrary land acquisition by the state. Land Office must be a progressiveminded office which is able to interpret which laws need to be applied to realize substantial justice and which laws already contain justice. The ideal new construction of the concept of justice in former kingdom land policies based on progressive law is nothing but to realize substantial justice. The whole process of the operation of the legal implementation instrument (Land Office) must be verifiable into the factors of justice, welfare, concern for the people and others, all of which has been contained in the values   of Pancasila. Intisari: Fenomena ketidakadilan substantif terkait kebijakan tanah eks kerajaan dalam Diktum IV huruf A UUPA bahwa “Hak-hak dan wewenang-wewenang atas bumi dan air dari Swapraja atau bekas Swapraja (kerajaan) yang masih ada pada waktu mulai berlakunya undang-undang ini hapus dan beralih kepada Negara”, merupakan ketidakadilan yang dirasakan oleh pihak eks kerajaan mengingat hak atas tanah adalah hak pribadi yang tidak boleh diambil sewenang-wenang. Hal ini terjadi juga karena tidak diberikannya ganti rugi yang layak atas kehilangan hak-hak kenyamanan kehidupan mereka akibat pengambilalihan tanah secara sewenang-wenang oleh negara.  Kantor Pertanahan harus berpikiran progresif yang mampu menafsirkan mana hukum yang perlu diterapkan untuk mewujudkan keadilan substansial dan mana hukum yang sebenarnya sudah mengandung keadilan. Konstruksi baru yang ideal yaitu  konsep keadilan dalam kebijakan tanah eks kerajaan berbasis hukum progresif, tidak lain adalah untuk mewujudkan keadilan substansial. Seluruh proses bekerjanya instrumen pelaksana hukum (Kantor Pertanahan) tersebut harus bisa diverifikasi ke dalam faktor-faktor keadilan, kesejahteraan, kepedulian kepada rakyat, yang kesemuanya itu telah terkandung dalam nilai-nilai Pancasila. 


2019 ◽  
Vol 8 (2) ◽  
pp. 304-309
Author(s):  
Vladimir Yuryevich Bystryukov

In the early 1920s, the Eurasian movement emerged in the Russian emigration. Its representatives tried to explain the causes of the Russian revolution, re-evaluating the historical path of the country and its cultural characteristics development. In the first half of the 1920s, the movement loudly declared itself and quickly gained popularity among the Russian intelligentsia. Its leaders began to attract new authors for publication in Eurasian publications, including Mstislav Vyacheslavovich Shakhmatov, a graduate of the law faculty of St. Petersburg University. He published only two articles in Eurasian publications. However, its role and importance in the Eurasian movement in modern historiography is estimated differently: from being ranked among the founders of Eurasianism to denying any significant role in its history. M.V. Shakhmatov considered the features of the ideal state doctrine of the old Russian principalities and the Moscow Kingdom based on Chronicles and other works of ancient Russian script in his works published in the Eurasian Periodicals. M.V. Shakhmatov thought that the right to the content was super-conscious and followed from religious premises, from the truth of God. Ancient people spread these ideals to the area of state-legal phenomena. In his opinion, the state set three main tasks: the protection of Orthodoxy, the establishment of the truth on earth and protection of the physical existence of the people. The idea of podvigopolozhnichestvo of the Supreme power of the early history of Christianity came from Byzantium. M.V. Shakhmatov noted that the political reality of the life of the old Russian principalities and council cities was very different from the ideals laid down in the chronicles and other works of ancient Russian script. However, the ideal of the state of the truth is remained in the works of Slavophiles, F.M. Dostoevsky, P.I. Novgorodtsev, and individual manifestations in the practice of the Russian Empire.


2019 ◽  
Vol 22 (1) ◽  
pp. 29-33
Author(s):  
L. A. Gaynutdinova ◽  
A. V. Skorobogatko

Modern Society is in the deep value-based crisis. This crisis have taken place already some time ago and is linked to a process of corruption of traditional values and transition to the new forms of cooperation of the actors of social and political processes and relations between the state and the society. There are many reasons for the modern crisis. They are: planetary sized transition to the information-oriented society, that led to destruction of value-based positions; appearance of the new leaders on the political stage; escalation of the conflict between civilizations that is well seen in inadequate interpenetration of their values and cultures; understanding of the fact that values-based orientations of so called “free” market are not absolute and cannot be used for all purposes and etc. This happens because beside the material values in the society are also consider as important the values of the ideal sides of the life such as culture, religion, way of living and a lot of other things that make up an important part of civilizational basic principles of society. Why did consumptionism that was so much raised by modern liberals still not become the highest value in most societies thou it is the key element for development of the economic policy of the state? Is it possible also taking into account analyses of value-based crises to forecast the forks of the evolution of the modern world?


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