The Development of the Military Organization in Swaziland

Africa ◽  
1937 ◽  
Vol 10 (1) ◽  
pp. 55-74 ◽  
Author(s):  
Hilda Beemer

When Europeans came into contact with the Swazi, it was inevitable that, since the two cultures had not the same institutions, beliefs and practices, one and the same situation was criticized from different social viewpoints and judged from different standards of value. Even when certain actions were similarly classified, each milieu gave them its own distinct emphasis or pattern, while similar values were embodied in and maintained by very different institutions. Immediate practical considerations and the political theory varying with place and time determined to what extent the dominant culture controlled the development of the traditional African life. I have chosen to analyse the way in which the military organization of the, Swazi, one of the basic factors in the traditional culture, has reacted under that small arc of Western civilization which has impinged on the lives of the natives in the Protectorate.

2013 ◽  
Vol 4 (2) ◽  
pp. 48-60
Author(s):  
Celia Romm Livermore ◽  
Pierluigi Rippa

A review of the literature on the role of the Chief Information Officer (CIO) reveals the importance of the political aspect of this role. Building on the Political Strategies Framework (Romm & Rippa, 2010), this study investigates the utilization of political strategies across two cultures, the US and India. The findings show crucial differences between CIO’s political behavior in the two cultures that are in line with the Hofstede (1980) culture model. The paper concludes with a discussion of the differences between CIO political behavior in the two cultures and how the Hofstde cultural dimensions can explain these differences.


2018 ◽  
Vol 31 (1) ◽  
pp. 70-72
Author(s):  
Jan Cook

This commentary familiarizes the reader with the Project NAGA Bridge Model as a way to honor veterans in the home health care setting. Family members can share the legacies of veterans in a partnership of the two cultures, civilian and military, and in so doing, enrich the communities where they live. The writing promotes the implementation of the military Form DD 214 as a comprehensive record of veterans’ military service and asks for the improvement of the situation of veterans needing health care.


2021 ◽  
Vol 8 (1) ◽  
pp. 52
Author(s):  
Giuseppina Autiero ◽  
Annamaria Nese

Later-generation descendants of immigrants generally negotiate their heritage and mainstream culture, and all the factors that affect the mediation play a crucial role. During early adolescence, the extent to which individuals may identify with the two cultures is largely determined by the attitudes of family towards integration and the attitudes of host countries in terms, for instance, of social rejection. We empirically assess the influence of heritage and dominant culture on teens’ scholastic effort and attitude towards school. The analysis relies on a sample of teens aged 14, born in the UK between 2000 and 2002; the data are drawn from the Millennium Cohort Study Sixth Sweep. The results show that ethnic background along with religion count and that the experience of social rejection has a negative influence. Overall, the evidence shows the possibility that all the factors that help the mediation between ethnic background and mainstream culture by promoting the development of a cohesive identity foster the motivation of scholastic effort.


2020 ◽  
pp. 21-29
Author(s):  
M. A. Amurov

Justification of the political elite as the key socio-political resource of military security is the purpose of this article. The method of research is structural and functional analysis of mili tary security through the prism of activating its socio-political resource. As a result of the research, a new approach to classifying the functions of modern political elites as a key resource of military security has been proposed. The article concludes that military security today should be understood as all actions of power structures of the military organization, authorities at all levels of government, as well as public organizations, which are aimed at preventing and neutralizing real and possible threats and dangers of military nature. The problem of military security is one of the central issues for any modern state, since, along with the process of universal globalization, the authorities continue to be the guarantor of the rights and freedoms of their people. Military security is considered to be actions of power structures of the military organization, authorities at all levels of government, as well as public organizations. These institutions and structures aim at preventing and neutralizing any possible threat that is military in nature. Military security and its effectiveness depends on the activities and ideology of political elites in identifying, preventing, eliminating or minimizing of threats. Decision-making on military security takes place with the participation of the entire military and political leadership of the country, which is part of the political elite, and with direct or indirect influence of the wider political elites. The article substantiates the main functions of modern political elites. They include geopolitical function (formation and reproduction of geographic and political-communication borders); normalization function (interpretation of the “normality” of the state in the context of war/world); communication function (ability to understand social interests, values and demands). The author comes to the conclusion that the basis of modern domestic political effectiveness is the stable character of the formation and functioning of the elite, i. e. overcoming its internal fragmentation and fragmentation.


2020 ◽  
Vol 25 (1) ◽  
pp. 50-57
Author(s):  
Gligor Văidean

AbstractIn the context of conflicts and threats specific to the security environment generated by the political, military, economic, social, technological and cultural challenges, as well as the obvious threat of the new COVID-19 virus to public health presented in the previous subchapter, we consider it imperative that we understand both the role of the military organization and the process by which the list of essential requirements for fulfilling the mission of the military organization is identified and established (Mission Essential Task List-METL). The identification of the relevant tactical scenarios, built on real facts extracted from the current world context, the analysis of the combat capacity of the subunits contributes to the realistic and adequate elaboration of a framework for the missions of the subunits.


1999 ◽  
Vol 27 (1) ◽  
pp. 29-33
Author(s):  
Darren Kew

In many respects, the least important part of the 1999 elections were the elections themselves. From the beginning of General Abdusalam Abubakar’s transition program in mid-1998, most Nigerians who were not part of the wealthy “political class” of elites—which is to say, most Nigerians— adopted their usual politically savvy perspective of siddon look (sit and look). They waited with cautious optimism to see what sort of new arrangement the military would allow the civilian politicians to struggle over, and what in turn the civilians would offer the public. No one had any illusions that anything but high-stakes bargaining within the military and the political class would determine the structures of power in the civilian government. Elections would influence this process to the extent that the crowd influences a soccer match.


2020 ◽  
Vol 1 (1) ◽  
Author(s):  
Claus Offe

The “will of the (national) people” is the ubiquitously invoked reference unit of populist politics. The essay tries to demystify the notion that such will can be conceived of as a unique and unified substance deriving from collective ethnic identity. Arguably, all political theory is concerned with arguing for ways by which citizens can make e pluribus unum—for example, by coming to agree on procedures and institutions by which conflicts of interest and ideas can be settled according to standards of fairness. It is argued that populists in their political rhetoric and practice typically try to circumvent the burden of such argument and proof. Instead, they appeal to the notion of some preexisting existential unity of the people’s will, which they can redeem only through practices of repression and exclusion.


2020 ◽  
Vol 2 (3) ◽  
pp. 29-52
Author(s):  
Antonio Bellisario ◽  
Leslie Prock

The article examines Chilean muralism, looking at its role in articulating political struggles in urban public space through a visual political culture perspective that emphasizes its sociological and ideological context. The analysis characterizes the main themes and functions of left-wing brigade muralism and outlines four subpolitical phases: (i) Chilean mural painting’s beginnings in 1940–1950, especially following the influence of Mexican muralism, (ii) the development of brigade muralism for political persuasion under the context of revolutionary sociopolitical upheaval during the 1960s and in the socialist government of Allende from 1970 to 1973, (iii) the characteristics of muralism during the Pinochet dictatorship in the 1980s as a form of popular protest, and (iv) muralism to express broader social discontent during the return to democracy in the 1990s. How did the progressive popular culture movement represent, through murals, the political hopes during Allende’s government and then the political violence suffered under the military dictatorship? Several online repositories of photographs of left-wing brigade murals provide data for the analysis, which suggests that brigade muralism used murals mostly for political expression and for popular education. Visual art’s inherent political dimension is enmeshed in a field of power constituted by hegemony and confrontation. The muralist brigades executed murals to express their political views and offer them to all spectators because the street wall was within everyone's reach. These murals also suggested ideas that went beyond pictorial representation; thus, muralism was a process of education that invited the audience to decipher its polysemic elements.


2014 ◽  
Vol 43 (1) ◽  
pp. 17-24
Author(s):  
Matt Sheedy

The Occupy movement was an unprecedented social formation that spread to approximate 82 countries around the globe in the fall of 2011 via social media through the use of myths, symbols and rituals that were performed in public space and quickly drew widespread mainstream attention. In this paper I argue that the movement offers a unique instance of how discourse functions in the construction of society and I show how the shared discourses of Occupy were taken-up and shaped in relation to the political opportunity structures and interests of those involved based on my own fieldwork at Occupy Winnipeg. I also argue that the Occupy movement provides an example of how we might substantively attempt to classify “religion” by looking at how it embodied certain metaphysical claims while contrasting it with the beliefs and practices of more conventionally defined “religious” communities.


2020 ◽  
Vol 26 (1) ◽  
pp. 182-185
Author(s):  
Alexandru Baboș ◽  
Raluca Rusu

AbstractThe toxic leadership refers to destructive behaviours and leaders’ personal characteristics which cause serious damage to the subordinates and organizations. Still, what is toxic for the military in one country can be good in another one, given the cultural differences. This article wants to emphasize, from a theoretical approach, the main characteristics and effects of toxic leadership within the military organization.


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