Political Parties and the Variable Duration of Business Cycles

1994 ◽  
Vol 60 (4) ◽  
pp. 869 ◽  
Author(s):  
Stephen E. Haynes ◽  
Joe A. Stone
Keyword(s):  
Political Parties ◽  
Business Cycles ◽  
Variable Duration

Do political parties foster business cycles? An examination of developed economies

2013 ◽  
Vol 41 (1) ◽  
pp. 212-226 ◽  
Author(s):  
Koyin Chang ◽  
Yoonbai Kim ◽  
Marc Tomljanovich ◽  
Yung-Hsiang Ying
Keyword(s):  
Political Parties ◽  
Business Cycles ◽  
Developed Economies

Do Political Parties Foster Business Cycles? An Examination of Developed Economies

2016 ◽  
Author(s):  
Koyin Chang ◽  
Yoonbai Kim ◽  
Marc Tomljanovich ◽  
Frank Ying
Keyword(s):  
Political Parties ◽  
Business Cycles ◽  
Developed Economies

Dynamics of American Political Parties

2009 ◽  
Author(s):  
Mark D. Brewer ◽  
Jeffrey M. Stonecash
Keyword(s):  
Political Parties

Election Poster Persuasion

2018 ◽  
Vol 49 (1) ◽  
pp. 3-15 ◽  
Author(s):  
Malte Schott ◽  
Jule Wolf
Keyword(s):  
Political Parties ◽  
Policy Evaluation ◽  
Political Party ◽  
Need For Cognition ◽  
Evaluation Study ◽  
Additional Measure ◽  
Political Preferences ◽  
Policy Statements ◽  
Voting Intentions

Abstract. We examined the effect of presenting unknown policy statements on German parties’ election posters. Study 1 showed that participants inferred the quality of a presented policy from knowledge about the respective political party. Study 2 showed that participants’ own political preferences influenced valence estimates: policy statements presented on campaign posters of liked political parties were rated significantly more positive than those presented on posters of disliked political parties. Study 3 replicated the findings of Study 2 with an additional measure of participants’ need for cognition. Need for cognition scores were unrelated to the valence transfer from political parties to policy evaluation. Study 4 replicated the findings of Studies 2 and 3 with an additional measure of participants’ voting intentions. Voting intentions were a significant predictor for valence transfer. Participants credited both their individually liked and disliked political parties for supporting the two unknown policies. However, the credit attributed to the liked party was significantly higher than to the disliked one. Study 5 replicated the findings of Studies 2, 3, and 4. Additionally, participants evaluated political clubs that were associated with the same policies previously presented on election posters. Here, a second-degree transfer emerged: from party valence to policy evaluation and from policy evaluation to club evaluation. Implications of the presented studies for policy communications and election campaigning are discussed.

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