Kill All the Lawyers!: Lawyers and the Independence Movement in New Granada, 1809-1820

1995 ◽  
Vol 52 (2) ◽  
pp. 175-210 ◽  
Author(s):  
Victor M. Uribe

Simón Bolívar, soon to become an icon of Latin American independence, wrote a celebrated document, dated from Kingston, his place of temporary exile, on September 6, 1815. Bolívar's document, later known as the Jamaica Letter, made prophesies for Latin America's future, appraised its contemporary political conditions, and justified the region's current rebellions against the Spanish crown. Chief among the justifications for rebellion was the exclusion of American-born Spaniards, or creoles, from administration, government, and politics. Wrote Bolívar:We were cut off and, as it were, virtually removed from the world in relation to the science of government and administration of the state. We were never viceroys or governors, save in the rarest instances; seldom archbishops and bishops; diplomats never; as military men, only subordinates; as nobles, without royal privileges. In brief, we were neither magistrates nor financiers.

Author(s):  
Daniela Spenser

Vicente Lombardo Toledano was born into a prosperous family in 1894 in Teziutlán, Puebla, and died in Mexico City in 1968. His life is a window into the history of the 20th century: the rise and fall of the old regime; the Mexican Revolution and the transformations that the revolution made in society; the intellectual and social reconstruction of the country under new parameters that included the rise of the labor movement to political prominence as well as the intervention of the trade unions in the construction and consolidation of the state; the dispute over the course of the nation in the tumultuous 1930s; and the configuration of the political and ideological left in Mexico. Lombardo Toledano’s life and work illustrate Mexico’s connections with the world during the Second World War and the Cold War. Lombardo Toledano belonged to the intellectual elite of men and women who considered themselves progressives, Marxists, and socialists; they believed in a bright future for humanity. He viewed himself as the conscious reflection of the unconscious movement of the masses. With unbridled energy and ideological fervor, he founded unions, parties, and newspapers. During the course of his life, he adhered to various beliefs, from Christianity to Marxism, raising dialectical materialism to the level of a theory of knowledge of absolute proportions in the same fashion that he previously did with idealism. In life, he aroused feelings of love and hate; he was the object of royal welcomes and the target of several attacks; national and international espionage agencies did not let him out of their sight. He was detained in and expelled from several countries and prevented from visiting others. Those who knew him still evoke his incendiary oratorical style, which others remember as soporific. His admirers praise him as the helmsman of Mexican and Latin American workers; others scorn the means he used to achieve his goals as opportunist. Lombardo Toledano believed that the Soviet Union had achieved a future that Mexico could not aspire to imitate. Mexico was a semifeudal and semicolonial country, hindered by imperialism in its economic development and the creation of a national bourgeoisie, without which it could not pass on to the next stage in the evolution of mankind and without which the working class and peasantry were doomed to underdevelopment. In his interpretation of history, the autonomy of the subordinate classes did not enter into the picture; rather it was the intellectual elites allied with the state who had the task of instilling class consciousness in them. No matter how prominent a personality he was in his time, today few remember the maestro Vicente Lombardo Toledano, despite the many streets and schools named after him. However, the story of his life reveals the vivid and contradictory history of the 20th century, with traces that remain in contemporary Mexico.


AFEL ◽  
2019 ◽  
pp. 15-27
Author(s):  
Consuelo Triviño Anzola

After the independence and the creation of the New Granada in 1819, the young Latin American republics continued faced disputing power. The caudillos spent their energies in partisan struggles because personal, group, class and ethnic interests overlapped, often under romantic formulations. Between chaos and order, 14 constitutions were drafted in Colombia until reaching the Rionegro Constitution of 1863. Promulgated by the leaders of Radical Liberalism, it went too far in its pursuit of utopia. Federalism, defense of individual freedoms, abolition of the death penalty, freedom of press and separation of the Church and the State are some of its most important conquests, but the consequences of its extremes triggered bloody civil wars. In the heat of these disputes arises José María Vargas Vila (1860-1933), the famous pamphleteer, who enlisted in the ranks of Radical Liberalism defending constitutional rights. This article exposes the position of a Colombian liberal intellectual in face of period called Regeneration that seeks to impose peace and order in Colombia restricting the freedoms and rights granted by the Rionegro Constitution.


1987 ◽  
Vol 29 (4) ◽  
pp. 125-146
Author(s):  
Juan Guillermo Espinosa

The Term Which best sums up the current international economic situation is the word “crisis.” This crisis exists not only in the economies of the South, harassed over the past five years by external debt and the adjustment measures which it has spawned, but also in the economies of the North, often saddled with substantial deficits.Surrounding the state of crisis is a general sense of confusion as to the proper direction to take to deal with this crisis. The future appears opaque, which renders the choice of remedies even more difficult than would normally be the case under better circumstances.


1995 ◽  
Vol 20 (3) ◽  
Author(s):  
Rafael Roncagliolo

Abstract: Over the last few years, academic discussions about the state of communications in the Americas, particularly those discussions taking place in the northern part of the continent, sometimes slide into one or more of the following misunderstandings: the provincialist view, which considers the entire hemisphere to be involved in a single process of trade liberalization, like the NAFTA; the overly simplified view, which assumes that the southern countries are a homogeneous group, from the point of view of cultural and technical vistas; the belief that there has been no effort to integrate these countries' communications; and the globalist view, which aims at forgetting the profound peculiarities which radically differentiate American communications from those of the rest of the world. Keeping in mind these traps and dangers, in this presentation I would like to specify that there exist not one but many processes of trade liberalization affecting the Americas; introduce a view of the internal complexity and heterogeneity of the region; enumerate prior Latin American attempts at communications integration, looking at materials and goals; and present three peculiarities which differentiate the region from the rest of the world. Résumé: Depuis quelques années, les discussions académiques sur les communications dans les Amériques, particulièrement celles ayant lieu dans la moitié nord de ces continents, s'empêtrent parfois dans un ou plusieurs des quatre malentendus suivants: la perspective "provincialiste", qui croit que l'hémisphère entier est en train de s'engager dans un seul grand processus de libéralisation d'échange, à l'instar de l'Accord de libre-échange nord-américain; la perspective simpliste à l'excès, qui suppose que les pays du Sud sont homogènes, tant du point de vue culturel que technique; la croyance qu'il n'y a eu aucun effort d'associer les communications dans ces divers pays; et la perspective "globalisante", qui oublie les particularités profondes qui rendent les communications nord- et sud-américaines radicalement différentes de celles du reste du monde. Tenant compte de ces pièges et dangers, nous aimerions dans cet article spécifier qu'il n'existe pas qu'un seul processus de libéralisation d'échange touchant les Amériques, mais bien plusieurs; souligner la complexité interne et l'hétérogénéité de la région; décrire des tentatives antérieures en Amérique latine d'intégrer les communications, en se concentrant sur matériaux et objectifs; et présenter quelques unes des caractéristiques qui distinguent cette région du reste du monde.


ARTMargins ◽  
2014 ◽  
Vol 3 (2) ◽  
pp. 101-117
Author(s):  
Monica Amor

This review concerns Osbel Suarez, Cold America: Geometric Abstraction in Latin America (1934–1973), an exhibition presented by the Fundación Juan March in Madrid, Feb 11–May 15, 2011 and Alejandro Crispiani's book Objetos para transformar el mundo: Trayectorias del arte concreto-invención, Argentina y Chile, 1940–1970 [Objects to Transform the World: Trajectories of Concrete-Invention Art, Argentina and Chile, 1940–1970] (Buenos Aires: Universidad Nacional de Quilmes, 2011). The review briefly assesses the state of the literature on Latin American Geometric Abstractio and analyzes these two publications from 2011, which stand precisely for traditional approaches and new developments in the field.


2018 ◽  
Vol 60 (2) ◽  
pp. 308-337 ◽  
Author(s):  
Andrew Canessa

AbstractSince Evo Morales was first elected President of Bolivia in 2005, indigeneity has moved from being a language of protest to a language of governance with concomitant profound changes in how indigeneity is imagined and mobilized. However, one of the striking features of Morales's presidency is his administration's open conflict with various indigenous groups. Although a number of scholars have addressed these issues, they have largely focused on the peculiarities of the Bolivian example in a Latin American context; this has obscured the advantage of significant comparative analysis with other areas of the world. I argue that indigeneity as it is currently practiced and understood is a recent global phenomenon and that there are more similarities between African countries and Bolivia than is generally appreciated. In particular, scholarly debates surrounding the difference between autochthony and indigeneity, and the case of Cameroon in particular, have much to offer in our understanding of the Bolivian case. To date, the primary frame for understanding indigeneity is an ethnic/cultural one and this can obscure important similarities and differences between groups. The comparative framework presented here allows for the development of analytical tools to distinguish fundamental differences and conflicts in indigenous discourses. I distinguish between five related conceptual pairs: majoritarian and minoritarian discourses; claims on the state and claims against the state; de-territorialized peoples versus territorialized peoples; hegemonic and counterhegemonic indigeneity; and substantive versus symbolic indigeneity. These nested pairs allow for analytic distinctions between indigenous rights discourses without recourse to discussions of culture and authenticity.


Author(s):  
Stefania Mosiuk ◽  
Igor Mosiuk ◽  
Vladimir Mosiuk

The purpose of the article is to analyze and substantiate the development of tourism business in Ukraine as a priority component of the national economy. The methodology of this study is to use analytical, spatial, geographical, cultural and other methods. This methodological approach provided an opportunity to carry out a complete analysis of the state of the tourism industry of the state and to draw some conclusions.The scientific novelty lies in the coverage of the real and potential resource potential for the development of the recreational and tourism sphere in Ukraine, detailing the measures for the country ‘s entry into the world tourist market. Conclusions. Analyzing the state and prospects of tourism business development in Ukraine, it should be noted that this industry is one of the priority areas for improving the economy of the country. Historical, cultural – ethnographic, gastronomic, sanatorium and resort potentials of the country will lead the country into world leaders of the tourism industry when creating favorable conditions for investment and proper marketing.


Author(s):  
Julia N. Shubnikova

On the State Universal Scientific Library of the Krasnodar region, which is one of the largest regional libraries in the Russian Federation.


2018 ◽  
Vol 11 (2) ◽  
pp. 18-26 ◽  
Author(s):  
I. A. Strelkova

The paper examines various approaches to the definition of the term «digital economy» in the scientific and business environment along with factors and forms of its development in different countries taking into account the specifics of the current stage of the Russian economy, which is a matter of particular importance in seeking new sources of the world economy growth. The subject of the research is opportunities and threats inherent in the process of digitalization of economies and their impact on the operation of international and national markets as well as the development of the world economy as a whole. The purpose of the paper was to analyze the practical experience in the formation and development of the digital economy in foreign countries and Russia and identify the changes it brings to the activities of state institutions and business structures, established rules of market exchange, the process of promotion and use of innovations. All the above made it possible to determine the country-level specifics of the digital economy evolution reveal the contradictory nature of its manifestations and justify the necessity for active participation of the state in stimulation and support of potentially promising digital innovations in various sectors of the economy. It is concluded that the level of the digital economy development depends on the real-sector performance, the maturity of markets, the state of the national economy. It is highlighted that the criteria for a comprehensive assessment of the results of the economy digitalization must be developed.


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