“Desiring Total Tranquility” and Not Getting It: Conflict Involving Free Black Women in Spanish New Orleans

1998 ◽  
Vol 54 (4) ◽  
pp. 541-556 ◽  
Author(s):  
Kimberly S. Hanger

Colonial New Orleans was a community, like so many others in Latin America, in which the upper sectors desired to maintain order and “toda tranquilidad,” preferably by way of legislation and judicial compromise but through force and authoritarian measures if necessary. Challenges to this tranquility came from those groups considered marginal and thus often subordinated, oppressed, and made generally unhappy with the status quo, among them workers, women, soldiers, slaves, and free blacks (libres). Free black women— the focus of this paper—drew upon multiple experiences as members of several of these subjugated groups: as women, as nonwhites, sometimes as former slaves, and usually as workers, forced by poverty to support their families with earnings devalued because they were gained doing “women's work.” But they did not suffer silently. Condemning the patriarchal order, racist, sexist, authoritarian society in which they operated, libre women vigorously attacked it both verbally and physically, employing such elite-defined legal and illegal methods as petitions, judicial procedures, slander, insults, arson, and assault and battery.

2021 ◽  
Vol 15 (2) ◽  
Author(s):  
Marcyliena H. Morgan

This essay considers some of the insight we have gathered about language, feminism, racism and power. In many respects, it celebrates the linguistic power of the many theories about how Black women navigate intersectionality where racism and sexism intermingle, suggesting that our analyses should always recognise that a lethal combination of factors are in play. Black women, in particular, actively insist on forms of language and discourse that both represent and create their world through words, expressions and verbal routines that are created within and outside of the African American speech community to confront injustice. One example involves the verb ‘play,’ which I argue often functions as a power statement or ‘powermove’ that demands respect while presenting a threat to the status quo. This use of ‘play’ is the opposite of inconsequential games of play or joking.


2019 ◽  
Vol 26 (1) ◽  
pp. 12-20
Author(s):  
Erica Nelson

Within multi-disciplinary global health interventions, anthropologists find themselves navigating complex relationships of power. In this article, I offer a critical reflection on this negotiated terrain, drawing on my experience as an embedded ethnographer in a four-year adolescent sexual and reproductive health research intervention in Latin America. I critique the notion that the transformative potential of ethnographic work in global health remains unfulfilled. I then go on to argue that an anthropological practice grounded in iterative, inter-subjective and self-reflexive work has the potential to create ‘disturbances’ in the status quo of day-to-day global health practice, which can in turn destabilise some of the problematic hubristic assumptions of health reforms.


1973 ◽  
Vol 35 (1) ◽  
pp. 61-76 ◽  
Author(s):  
Paul E. Sigmund

Radio Havana? Quotations from Chairman Mao? A black liberation group pamphlet? Wrong. These are excerpts from Roman Catholic publications in Latin America. Still regarded by many as one of the bulwarks of the status quo, the Latin-American Church has undergone a startling transformation in the last five years which has moved its official thinking and portions of its elite leadership significantly to the left.


Politics ◽  
2021 ◽  
pp. 026339572110483
Author(s):  
Juan Pablo Ferrero ◽  
Ramón I Centeno ◽  
Antonios Roumpakis

We seek to disentangle the process through which some democratic polities ‘escape’ from neoliberal rule while others do not. We understand neoliberalism as the resulting equilibrium provoked by the restoration of class power that undermined the pro-labour policies of the post-war period. Why do some democracies enter a route of political experimentation that challenges the status quo while others remain ‘trapped’ in an orthodox neoliberal settlement? Our argument is that for a democratic polity to initiate a transition from neoliberal rule, there needs to be a crisis of neoliberal rule, a compelling alternative willing to contend for state power in national elections, and a reliable democratic settlement that allows the victory of the challenger – that is, the alternative – over the neoliberal rulers. This model will be discussed by examining the following three cases: Argentina, Greece, and Mexico.


Resumen Durante los años 80 y 90 en Latinoamérica empiezan a tornarse centro de reflexión y acción, desde el ámbito político, educativo y académico, propuestas y proyectos que giran en torno al concepto de interculturalidad. Fenómeno que ha posibilitado que la interculturalidad misma sea abordada de modo frecuente, teniendo como referente y fundamento una perspectiva funcional y relacional que perpetúa el orden social establecido. No obstante, comunidades diversas y organizadas de Latinoamérica se han propuesto, tejer puentes entre la educación y la interculturalidad, comprendida desde un enfoque crítico, para conservar y cuidar de unas tradiciones y cosmologías propias, para recordar unas raíces y configurar así, una educación desde adentro y desde abajo que fracture el sistema colonial, patriarcal y capitalista impuesto. En este orden de ideas, el presente artículo se propone reconocer y poner de manifiesto las rutas trazadas por un proyecto educativo intercultural crítico que se fortalece y abre caminos en y para Latinoamérica. Palabras clave: Grupos Interculturalidad crítica, educación intercultural, interseccionalidad Abstract Through the 80s and 90s the concept of interculturality became focus of attention in Latin America, but this concept was approached frequently, only from a functional perspective, not allowing it to make any significant change to the status quo of the politic, educational or social system. However, diverse organized communities in Latin America have decided to approach interculturality as a way that allow then to build a bridge between, education and interculturality, from a critical point of view, that leads to regaining the cultural heritage lost in the process of colonization that they lived; frighting off patriarchal and capitalistic systems that were imposed on their cultures. In this papper we want to visualize the routes drawn by those communities in their project to build a crtitical and intercultural education system that as of today is growing and gaining stregth through all the continent. Keyworks: Critical interculturality, intercultural education, intersectionality


2015 ◽  
Vol 15 (4) ◽  
pp. 34-49 ◽  
Author(s):  
Kimberly D. Nettles-Barcelón ◽  
Gillian Clark ◽  
Courtney Thorsson ◽  
Jessica Kenyatta Walker ◽  
Psyche Williams-Forson

Black American women have long sustained a complex relationship to food—its production, consumption, and distribution within families, communities, and the nation. Black women, often represented in American culture as “natural” good cooks on the one hand and beset by obesity on the other, straddle an uncomfortable divide that is at the heart of contemporary debate about the nature of our food system. Yet, Black women as authorities in the kitchen and elsewhere in matters of food—culturally, politically, and socially—are largely absent, made invisible by the continued salience of intersecting vectors of disempowerment: race/gender/class/sexuality. In this dialogue, we bring together a variety of agents, approaches, explorations, and examples of the spaces where Black American women have asserted their “food voices” in ways that challenge fundamentally the status quo (both progressive and conservative) and utilize the dominant discourses to create spaces of dissent and strategic acquiescence to the logics of capital ever-present in our food systems.


2021 ◽  
pp. 60-73
Author(s):  
Abeba Birhane ◽  
Olivia Guest

This article sets out our perspective on how to begin the journey of decolonising computational fi elds, such as data and cognitive sciences. We see this struggle as requiring two basic steps: a) realisation that the present-day system has inherited, and still enacts, hostile, conservative, and oppressive behaviours and principles towards women of colour; and b) rejection of the idea that centring individual people is a solution to system-level problems. The longer we ignore these two steps, the more “our” academic system maintains its toxic structure, excludes, and harms Black women and other minoritised groups. This also keeps the door open to discredited pseudoscience, like eugenics and physiognomy. We propose that grappling with our fi elds’ histories and heritage holds the key to avoiding mistakes of the past. In contrast to, for example, initiatives such as “diversity boards”, which can be harmful because they superfi cially appear reformatory but nonetheless center whiteness and maintain the status quo. Building on the work of many women of colour, we hope to advance the dialogue required to build both a grass-roots and a top-down re-imagining of computational sciences — including but not limited to psychology, neuroscience, cognitive science, computer science, data science, statistics, machine learning, and artifi cial intelligence. We aspire to progress away fromthese fi elds’ stagnant, sexist, and racist shared past into an ecosystem that welcomes and nurturesdemographically diverse researchers and ideas that critically challenge the status quo.


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