scholarly journals Reality as a media doctrine of consciousness reconstruction through press

2019 ◽  
pp. 603-614
Author(s):  
Radivoje Petrovic ◽  
Predrag Bajic
Keyword(s):  
Dominant Role ◽  
Reality Tv ◽  
Public Attention ◽  
Commercial Television ◽  
Daily Newspapers ◽  
The Press ◽  
Setting Theory ◽  
National Frequency ◽  
Rational Reasoning ◽  
Current Reality

The reality TV concept has a dominant role in some commercial television stations with national frequency in Serbia. The tabloids, known for sensationalism, banalisation and domination in the press market, became their ?extended hand?, the promoters of their values. The focus of this article is on daily newspapers in Serbia - the various reality TV-related content on their front pages. Through quantitative and qualitative analysis, the authors look for the principles, the communication technology and the goals for which the domestic press promotes ?the reality values?. They have analyzed front pages of eight daily newspapers in Serbia (Politika, Danas, Vecernje novosti, Blic, Kurir, Alo, Srpski Telegraf and Informer) that were published during October 2018 and found related content on about 28 percent from the total number of front pages (counting the current reality TV formats and the reality TV stars from the earlier seasons). The results show a clear distinction between the serious press and the tabloids. The tabloids are very strong accomplices in the process of diverting public attention from important topics to trivia (in that context, for researching, the authors use agenda-setting theory, framing theory and similar concepts). If we look at five declared tabloids only, the share of front pages with related content in the total number of front pages is about 44 percent. The research identified another phenomenon - fabricating some other topics into a ?reality concept?. Also, by comparison with previous studies, it was shown that the aforementioned is not an isolated case in the selected period - it is a continuous occurrence. Reality content as we see it on the domestic scene is becoming more trivial from season to season and becoming more dangerous for the power of rational reasoning by their users and observers. Based on all of that, this content can be viewed through the meaning of consciousness reconstruction.

scholarly journals F.M. Dostoevsky, Author of A Writer’s Diary, in the Reactions of 1873-1874 Periodicals (Based on the Materials of the Manuscript Department at the Vladimir Dahl State Museum of the History of Russian Literature)

2020 ◽  
pp. 134-157
Author(s):  
Anna V. Petrova
Keyword(s):  
Russian Literature ◽  
Freedom Of Choice ◽  
Editorial Policies ◽  
Daily Newspapers ◽  
The People ◽  
The Press ◽  
State Museum ◽  
History Of ◽  
Knowledge Of Christ

The article analyses the reaction of the press to the publication of A Writer’s Diary in 1873. It aims to answer the question of why leading daily newspapers such as Golos, Sankt-Peterburgskie Vedomosti, Birzhevye Vedomosti, Novoye Vremya, did not accept and negatively evaluated Dostoevsky’s work as columnist and editor of the Grazhdanin. Dostoevsky returned to the newspaper business with a new genre, and from the very beginning of A Writer's Diary he declares his unlimited freedom of choice about the topics and format of his conversations with the reader. This fact immediately distinguished him from other columnists, who usually followed the standards of the feuilleton (a genre normally dedicated to the latest news), and strictly obeyed their editorial policies, constantly taking into account the publisher’s “wishes”. Columnists from leading newspapers in 1873–1874 could not find similarities between their work and Dostoevsky’s, between his method of describing reality and theirs, and so they neither could nor wanted to see the author’s novelty and originality that went beyond the established newspaper practice, to be surprised by the courage and innovation of his Writer’s Diary. Instead, most of the journalists (Lev Panyutin, Arkady Kovner, Mikhail Wilde and others) chose to be “critical” and – using irony, satirical attacks, sarcastic comments mockingly sought to undermine Dostoevsky’s authority as a columnist and discredit the values that he put above all in A Writer's Diary in 1873 (a “heartfelt” knowledge of Christ, the purification through suffering, the preservation of a relationship with the people). The article attempts to trace the development of this controversy and the factors that influenced its contents.

Trials and Tribulations

2020 ◽  
pp. 65-97
Author(s):  
Stephen Lovell
Keyword(s):  
Public Sphere ◽  
Public Discourse ◽  
Public Attention ◽  
The Public ◽  
High Profile ◽  
The People ◽  
The Press ◽  
The Public Sphere ◽  
People Movement ◽  
The City

This chapter tells the story of public speaking in Russia from the imposition of greater restrictions on the public sphere in 1867 through to the eve of Alexander II’s assassination in 1881. It shows that in this period the focus of the Russian public switched from the zemstvo to the courtroom, where a number of high-profile trials took place (and were reported, sometimes in stenographic detail, in the press). The chapter examines the careers and profiles of some of Russia’s leading courtroom orators. It also explores the activities of the Russian socialists (populists), in particular the ‘Going to the People’ movement of 1873–4 and later propaganda efforts in the city and the courtroom. It ends by considering the intensification of public discourse at the end of the 1870s: the Russo-Turkish War saw a surge of patriotic mobilization, but at the same time the populist adoption of terrorism seized public attention.

Sensational Stories, Endangered Bodies: Women’s Work and the New Journalism in England in the 1890s

1999 ◽  
Vol 31 (1) ◽  
pp. 49-71
Author(s):  
Carolyn Malone
Keyword(s):  
New Journalism ◽  
Political Consequences ◽  
Political News ◽  
Daily Newspapers ◽  
Age Of Consent ◽  
The Press ◽  
The World ◽  
East End ◽  
The Voice ◽  
Daily Paper

The cry of labor has seized the world’s ear. The Press, the Legislature, and the world at large is listening to the voice of labor…. When this journal first resolved to secure a hearing for all working-class questions, there was scarcely a column of a leading London newspaper which was then open. Now, following our lead, every great daily paper has its labor section…. Nor is it only the press which is watchful. It is the readers of the Press….This self-promoting editorial in the Star in 1891 made a critical point: labor issues were becoming a standard feature in daily newspapers. Sweating, loopholes in factory legislation, and the famous Dock and Match Girls’ strikes were among the subjects found in the pages of papers such as the Star. This trend in reporting was part of the “New Journalism” that developed in England between the 1880s and 1914. In an attempt to cater to the tastes of mass audiences, there was a shift in emphasis from parliamentary and political news to sports, gossip, crime, and sex. Papers, for instance, reported on the brutal Jack the Ripper murders in the East End of London. New journalists and editors, like W. T. Stead and Thomas P. O’Connor, also produced interviews, exposes, and political editorials in order to influence public opinion and promote what Stead called “government by journalism.” Stead produced what has been called the most successful piece of scandal journalism of the nineteenth century, “The Maiden Tribute of Modern Babylon,” which depicted young girls for sale to older men. Passage of the 1885 Criminal Law Amendment Act, which raised the age of consent for sex to sixteen, was one of its political consequences.

scholarly journals A IMPRENSA DO SEGUNDO REINADO NO PROCESSO POLÍTICO-CONSTITUCIONAL: FORÇA MORAL E OPINIÃO PÚBLICA / THE SECOND REIGN PRESS IN THE CONSTITUTIONAL PROCESS: MORAL STRENGTH AND PUBLIC OPINION

2014 ◽  
Vol 59 (1) ◽  
pp. 179
Author(s):  
Judá Leão Lobo ◽  
Luís Fernando Lopes Pereira
Keyword(s):  
Public Opinion ◽  
Moral Responsibility ◽  
Legal Reasoning ◽  
Public Affairs ◽  
Primary Sources ◽  
The Public ◽  
Daily Newspapers ◽  
Daily Press ◽  
The Press ◽  
Constitutional Monarchy

Este artigo delineia as principais características da imprensa durante o reinado de D. Pedro II e busca explicar o porquê de ter sido tão poderosa instituição no processo político-constitucional do período por meio da comparação da alta e da baixa cultura jurídica, uma baseada no pensamento constitucional e outra na imprensa diária, respectivamente. Por tal procedimento, buscamos desvelar a íntima conexão entre esses dois polos do espectro jurídico, assim como a especificidade da opinião pública brasileira durante o Segundo Reinado. Ambos os resultados foram atingidos por abordagem empírica de fontes primárias produzidas no período, tais como livros de autores destacados e debates públicos surgindo de periódicos diários de Curitiba, a capital da recém-estabelecida província do Paraná. Havendo condições sociais, políticas, teóricas e institucionais favoráveis, a imprensa era, sem rival, a principal instituição representando a opinião pública no processo constitucional. Embora deputados e senadores tivessem amplo direito à liberdade de expressão na tribuna e cidadãos comuns pudessem interferir nos negócios públicos pelo direito de petição, a imprensa superou tais direitos e se tornou verdadeiro Tribunal da Opinião Pública. Contudo, os critérios pelos quais a poderosa instituição julgava decisões políticas e administrativas eram mais morais que legais, e a legalidade era menos importante que a força moral. Com efeito, sanções previstas em lei eram frequentemente negligenciadas, enquanto a responsabilidade moral estendia seus vereditos inclusive a casos que observavam os preceitos legais. PALAVRAS-CHAVEForça moral. Liberdade de imprensa. Monarquia Constitucional brasileira. Opinião Pública. Responsabilidade moral.  ABSTRACT This article sets forth the main features of the press during the reign of Pedro II and tries to explain the reasons why it was such a powerful institution in the constitutional ongoing process of the period, and so by bringing the upper legal reasoning of the Constitutional Monarchy and the lower legal thought of the daily press together. Through this procedure, we intent to unveil the inner connection between these two sides of the juridical culture, as well as the specificity of the Brazilian public opinion during the Second Reign. Both of these outcomes were brought to light through an empirical approach to primary sources of the period, such as books of distinguished authors and public debates arising from daily newspapers of Curitiba, the capital of the recently established Paraná province. Since there were social, political, theoretical and institutional slanting conditions, the press was overwhelmingly the main institution representing the public opinion in the constitutional process. Even though representatives and senators had a broad right to free speech in congressional ground and ordinary citizens could interfere in public affairs through the petition right, the press overcame these rights and became a real Public Opinion Court. However, the criteria by which this powerful institution tried administrative and political decisions were more moral than legal, and lawfulness was less important than moral strength. Indeed, legal punishments were very often neglected, whilst moral responsibility stretched out its verdicts even to lawful cases. KEYWORDSBrazilian Constitutional Monarchy. Freedom of the press. Moral responsibility. Moral strength. Public opinion.

scholarly journals What’s he building? Activating the utopian imagination with Trump

Organization ◽  
2018 ◽  
Vol 25 (5) ◽  
pp. 671-680 ◽  
Author(s):  
Christian De Cock ◽  
Sine N. Just ◽  
Emil Husted
Keyword(s):  
Traumatic Event ◽  
Reality Tv ◽  
Special Series ◽  
The Past ◽  
Dialectical Approach ◽  
The Us ◽  
Set Up ◽  
Current Reality

Can one sell any positive value of Trump’s presidency to an academic audience? The editors of this special series invited polemical essays, but maybe asking readers to consider the merit of Trump is going a little too far? We put forward the argument here that as critical scholars we simply cannot allow ourselves to be swept up in the bien-pensant tide of Trump-trashing, which has almost become as addictive as the current reality-TV quality of the US presidency itself. As Roitman has suggested in a different context, ‘the concept of crisis is crucial to the “how” of thinking otherwise’. Thus, we believe it crucial to seize the crisis of the Trump presidency as an opportunity to activate the utopian imagination, rather than an occasion for moralizing judgements or regressive nostalgia which would effectively mean aligning ourselves with the neo-liberal consensus many of us spent our careers critiquing. We further argue that Fredric Jameson’s notion of the dialectic may refresh our critical conceptual arsenal in these disorienting times. This dialectical approach is meant to alter not only how we see reality, but also what we think we can do with it. It enables us to see the traumatic event of Trump’s election as providing a form and space through which contradictions that have been locked firmly into place in our socioeconomic set-up over the past few decades have become much more malleable, partly because of their increased visibility.

scholarly journals Disquiet in the House of Gender

2012 ◽  
Vol 71 (4) ◽  
pp. 873-894 ◽  
Author(s):  
Gail Hershatter
Keyword(s):  
High School ◽  
Cold War ◽  
Healthy Children ◽  
Public Attention ◽  
Yellow Peril ◽  
Ping Pong ◽  
The Press ◽  
Acupuncture Anesthesia ◽  
The Cold War ◽  
The U.S

When I was a child at the height of the Cold War, the press painted China in vivid primary colors—red menace, yellow peril, blue-clad masses. China was a back-burner story, however, compared to the Soviet threat, and my education through high school never touched upon it. A shift in public attention began with the 1971 China visit of the U.S. ping-pong team and Nixon's state visit in February 1972. Suddenly the mainstream U.S. press discovered beggar-free streets, healthy children, acupuncture anesthesia, and national optimism.

Le Bon, la Brute et le Raciste. Analyse de la couverture médiatique de l'opinion publique pendant la «crise» des accommodements raisonnables au Québec

2010 ◽  
Vol 43 (2) ◽  
pp. 379-406 ◽  
Author(s):  
Thierry Giasson ◽  
Colette Brin ◽  
Marie-Michele Sauvageau
Keyword(s):  
Public Opinion ◽  
Religious Diversity ◽  
Reasonable Accommodation ◽  
Press Coverage ◽  
Daily Newspapers ◽  
Immigrant Background ◽  
Extensive Coverage ◽  
The Press ◽  
The Media ◽  
Analyse De Contenu

Résumé.De mars 2006 à décembre 2007, le Québec a été secoué par un débat sociétal sur la question de la gestion de la diversité culturelle. Cette «crise» aurait été alimentée par untsunami médiatiquetraitant de divers cas d'accommodements juridiques ou d'ajustements administratifs accordés dans les services publics à des citoyens québécois issus de l'immigration dans la grande région de Montréal (Giasson et coll., 2008). Par le biais d'une couverture étendue, les médias ont attiré l'attention de la population sur ces pratiques d'accommodement. L'article présente les données exploratoires d'une analyse de contenu de la couverture faite par onze journaux québécois du climat de l'opinion des Québécois en matière de diversité et d'immigration pendant la phase intensive de développement du débat. L'étude montre que dans leur analyse des sondages d'opinion et dans la présentation générale des tendances de l'opinion publique sur les accommodements raisonnables, les journaux ont mis l'accent sur l'évaluation du malaise des répondants envers l'immigration et la diversité religieuse plutôt que sur l'ouverture de la population québécoise envers la diversité et sur l'apport social de l'immigration, renforçant ainsi davantage l'impression populaire qu'une crise sociale majeure se déroulait et qu'il existait un fossé entre les Québécois «de souche», les Québécois issus de l'immigration et les autres Canadiens.Abstract.From March 2006 to December 2007, the province of Quebec experienced a contentious public debate on diversity. The “crisis” was fueled by a “media tsunami” during which news outlets actively reported on numerous cases of reasonable accommodation practices or administrative agreements in public services granted in the Greater Montreal region to citizens of immigrant background (Giasson et al., 2008). Through this extensive coverage, the media brought these instances of accommodation to the public's attention. The research studies the press coverage that 11 daily newspapers dedicated to the state of public opinion in Quebec during the active and intense development phase of the “crisis”. The study shows that in their analysis of polls and their general framing of the mood of public opinion towards reasonable accommodation, newspapers focused mostly on the malaise in the population toward immigration and religious diversity rather than on its openness to diversity and to the positive social outcomes of immigration. In doing so, the media further anchored the popular impression that a serious social crisis was ongoing and that a wide gap in tolerance existed between Francophone Quebeckers, Quebeckers of recent immigrant background and other Canadians.

scholarly journals Violent behavioural patterns in the reality show "Couples"

2021 ◽  
Vol 15 (48) ◽  
pp. 37-67
Author(s):  
Lidija Terek
Keyword(s):  
Psychological Violence ◽  
Violent Behaviour ◽  
Commercial Television ◽  
Reality Show ◽  
Behavioural Patterns ◽  
History Of ◽  
The Uk ◽  
Forms Of Violence ◽  
National Frequency

The paper is dealing with the problem of violent behaviour in the reality show "Couples" (Parovi), which is broadcasted on Happy TV, a commercial television with a national frequency in Serbia. Based on the idea that the conditions in reality shows are conducive to violence due to a large amount of character interaction and little plot, and guided by the results of the research that studied violent behaviours in reality shows in the UK, our research aimed to determine which forms of violent behaviour are most prevalent in this reality show, in what situations and under what circumstances violent behaviours mostly occur, as well as who commits violence most often. The results showed that the most common forms of violence were direct emotional/psychological violence, that the most frequent and diverse violent behaviour was expressed by the Production and TV hosts, that nearly all the violent behaviour of participants were a reaction to the Production's and hosts' provocation and manipulation, as well as that individuals , who have a history of violent behaviour, most often behaved violently during the show. The obtained results proved that the Production of this reality show intends to provoke conflicts and violent behaviours, to compensate for the lack of story.

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