scholarly journals Social implication of demographic changes in the European Union countries

2006 ◽  
pp. 423-434
Author(s):  
Drenka Vukovic

The process of demographic changes in European countries is characterized by greater and greater ageing of the population, as a result of the decline in the rate of natural increase and the rise in life expectancy. Europeans have less and less children, they live longer and face the problems how to ensure a safe old age. Noticed trends of change will be intensified till the middle of the new millennium (2050), when the following situation is expected: the decline in the number of children (0-14 years) for almost 20% and the active-working population (15-64), while there will be more "old persons" (65-79) for more than 44%, and "the oldest" persons (80 or more) for even 180%. Ageing of the population characterizes all regions, but is specially pronounced in the countries in the south and countries in transition. Faced with the challenges of the disturbances in the demographic structure, the members of the European Union (25) developed an entire spectrum of measures and activities to prevent the negative social-economic consequences. Creation of "the policy of ageing" at the Union level develops within the co-ordination (OMC) of the process of modernization of the social security system (old-age pension insurance, health insurance, social and child protection); it also implies the creation of conditions for "the active old age" (increase in employment and staying as long as possible on the job market), the development of "the new forms of solidarity" between generations (as a consequence of the increase of the coefficient of dependency between active working and supported population), preventing poverty and social exclusion, etc. Strategic documents, directions and national action-plans determined the concrete measures needed to face the demographic challenges.

Author(s):  
Franco Frabboni

With the third millennium a new and attractive scenario has opened up, giving voice to an old face of culture: knowledge. Its “new” identity—holistic, multidimensional, and ecosystemic—was highlighted by the European Union in 2000 at the Lisbon conference. In the 21st century there is a star carrying out on its tail these words: welcome to the knowledge society. Knowledge is an immaterial good needed by any nation, because it’s like a bank account that any complex and changing society needs to have. It’s a capital with three faces: economic, social and human (Frabboni, 2006). a. As an economic resource, knowledge promotes a mass-school, a school for everybody: the competitiveness and reliability of a productive system are based on schooling and on the “well-made heads” of younger generations, b. As a social resource it promotes democracy, because knowledge provides all citizens with the necessary alphabets to create a widespread social cohesion; therefore education must be spread during all the seasons of life, from childhood to old age, c. As a human resource it helps the person-subject to move away from the devastating mass-subject. A school of knowledge and of values (i.e., of mind and heart) will have to invest on a person that is nonduplicable, noneasily influenced, and nonuseful; with his or her eyes open on dreams, utopias, and enchantment. School has the task of forming a plural mind and an ethic of solidarity.


2018 ◽  
Vol 10 (1) ◽  
pp. 394
Author(s):  
Cristina Sánchez-Rodas Navarro

Resumen: En España, tras la crisis mundial económica y financiera de 2008, se han llevado a cabo importantes reformas legislativas a fin de controlar el déficit público y cumplir así no sólo con las disposiciones emanadas del Derecho de la Unión Europea sino también con los Tratados internacionales ratificados por nuestro país.Por su cuantía, las pensiones contributivas de jubilación constituyen la partida más importante de los Presupuestos Generales del Estado.Existe una generalizada creencia de que las restrictivas reformas en materia de pensiones españolas que se vienen promulgando en los últimos años son inevitables al venir impuestas por disposiciones emanadas de la Unión Europea y/o por Tratados internacionales.El objeto de este artículo es, por una parte, demostrar que la competencia para legislar en materia de Seguridad Social es, y sigue siendo, competencia exclusiva del Estado. Y, por otro lado, verificar cómo las reformas en materia de pensiones obedecen a iniciativas legislativas nacionales, en modo alguno impuestas por el Derecho de la UE o el Derecho internacional.Palabras clave: Unión Europea, Seguridad Social, pensiones contributivas de jubilación.Abstract: In Spain, after the worldwide economic and financial crisis of 2008, important legislative reforms have been carried out in order to control the public deficit and therefore will be able to comply not only with the provisions emanating from the European Union Law but also with the International Treaties ratified by our country.Due to their amount, contributory old-age pensions are the most important item in the General State Budget.There is a widespread belief that the restrictive reforms on Spanish pensions that have been enacted in recent years were inevitable because they were imposed by provisions emanating from the European Union and /or international treaties.The purpose of this article is, on the one hand, to demonstrate that the competence to legislate on Social Security matters is, and continues to be, the exclusive competence of the State. And, on the other hand, to verify how the last reforms in the field of pensions obey to national legislative initiatives, in no way imposed by European Law or international Law.Keywords: European Union, social security, contributory old-age benefits.


2009 ◽  
Vol 21 (2) ◽  
pp. 128-149
Author(s):  
Jonathan Bradshaw ◽  
Yekaterina Chzhen

This article is in two parts. In the first part, we present the results of a comparative analysis of the European Union Statistics on Income and Living Conditions (SILC) to explore child poverty. Countries’ child poverty rates are compared using the conventional income definition and deprivation and economic strain. The extent of overlap in these different measures is explored. Variations in child poverty rates by employment, child age, number of children, education level of the parents and family type are explored. Then logistic regression is used to explore how countries’ child poverty varies having taken account of these characteristics. In the second part we explore how policy affects child poverty, presenting child poverty rates before and after transfers; analysis of spending and its relationship to child poverty; and the analysis of child benefit packages using model family methods. Child poverty is increasing in most EU countries. The article argues that the data available on what policies work is not really good enough. The OECD Benefits and Wages series is too limited and the EU should invest in a framework that collects data on how tax and benefit policies are working to combat child poverty across the EU. Zusammenfassung Im ersten der zwei Teile dieses Aufsatzes stellen wir die Ergebnisse einer vergleichenden Analyse der European Union Statistics on Income and Living Conditions (SILC) vor, um die Kinderarmut unter die Lupe zu nehmen. Die Kinderarmutsraten in den einzelnen Ländern werden mithilfe von einer konventionellen Einkommensdefinition, Mangelerscheinungen und wirtschaftlichen Zwängen miteinander verglichen. Dabei wird das Ausmaß der Überschneidungen der einzelnen Messungen und Variationen in der Kinderarmut aufgrund der Beschäftigungsverhältnisse, des Alters der Kinder, der Kinderzahl, des Bildungsniveaus der Eltern und des Familientyps untersucht. Danach kommt die logistische Regression zum Einsatz, um zu untersuchen, inwieweit die Kinderarmut in den jeweiligen Ländern variiert, wenn man all diese Ausprägungen berücksichtigt. Im zweiten Teil untersuchen wir, welchen Einfluss familienpolitische Maßnahmen auf die Kinderarmut haben, indem wir Kinderarmutsraten vor und nach der Einbeziehung von Transferleistungen vorstellen, die Staatsausgaben und ihr Verhältnis zur Kinderarmut und – mithilfe von Methoden der Modellierung von Familien – Kinderunterstützungspakete analysieren. Die Kinderarmut nimmt in den meisten EU-Ländern zu. Im Beitrag wird dann argumentiert, dass die Daten darüber, welchen familienpolitischen Maßnahmen funktionieren, nicht wirklich gut genug sind. Die Benefits and Wages-Zeitreihen der OECD sind Beschränkungen unterworfen – die EU sollte in ein Rahmenprogramm investieren, in signifikante negative Effekte vorausgegangener ökonomischer Deprivation auf das Wohlbefinden gibt, zusätzlich zu den Effekten des Bildungsniveaus der Eltern und der Familienformen. Diese Effekte waren bei Mädchen stärker ausgeprägt als bei Jungen. Ein eingeschränktes Wohlbefinden im Jahre 1996 trug nicht vollständig zur Erklärung von Langzeiteffekten ökonomischer Deprivation bei. Mütterliche Negativität erwies sich als stärkerer Mediator für die Reaktion von Mädchen auf ökonomischen Stress. Insgesamt legen die Daten nahe, dass ökonomische Deprivation ein signifikanter Risikofaktor mit negativen Langzeitfolgen, insbesondere für Mädchen, ist.


2020 ◽  
Vol 10 (3) ◽  
pp. 311-331
Author(s):  
Ctibor Határ ◽  
Petra Jedličková

The presented study is the output of the authors from solving the research project VEGA no. 1/0001/18 called Preparation for ageing and old age – possibilities of andragogical intervention. Based on the planned aims of the project, the authors deal with the analysis of the education and social policies of selected states of the European Union to identify those areas which are related to active ageing and active old age. Subsequently, they compare the Slovak education and social policy to foreign education and social ones on the state level, focusing on the topics of active ageing and active old age. The methodology of the research work of the authors lies in the national documents and their subsequent comparing. The authors identified common aspects of the education and social policies of the selected states of the European Union (Slovakia, Germany and Spain) in the given parameters or areas (active ageing and active old age).


2020 ◽  
Vol 2 (2) ◽  
pp. 66-116
Author(s):  
Stelio Mangiameli

The essay starts from a comparison in the European Union between the economic and financial crisis of 2009 and the health crisis of 2020, due to the Covid-19 pandemic. In particular, the scarce capacity of Member States and European institutions to carry out the recovery of the economic European condition and transformation of the European government system after the 2009 crisis, despite the indications of the Commission's Blueprint (of 2012) and of the Report of the five presidents (of 2015). On the other hand, in the face of the health crisis, the reaction of the European institutions seemed more decisive with the creation of various instruments to combat the economic consequences of the Covid-19 pandemic. These include in particular the Recovery fund - Next Generation EU, linked to the 2021-2027 MFF. The reaction to the pandemic shows the possibilities of the European Union to create a community of States in solidarity and with its own identity also in the international scenario. However, it is by no means certain that this idea can prevail over the one that sees the European Union as simply a free trade organization between the Member States. The decisions that will be taken in the Conference on the future of Europe between 2021 and 2022 appear to be decided to define the evolution of the European Union.


2016 ◽  
Vol 11 (2) ◽  
pp. 91-102
Author(s):  
Anna Organiściak-Krzykowska

Migration is a very important socio-economic issue in the contemporary world. One of the interesting research problems worth considering concerns the scale and consequences of migration from the countries which joined the European Union in 2004 and in the later years. As a result of integration with European communities, citizens of the new member states acquired citizenship of the European Union. The right of free movement caused a significant increase in the number of temporary migrants. According to statistical data, the number of emigrants from the Central and Eastern European Countries (CEE) to the more prosperous European countries increased from 1.7 million in 2004 to 5.6 million in 2012. In the context of the scale of economic migration from the CEE, important questions should be asked about the economic consequences of the mobility. The main objective of this article is a diagnosis and evaluation of the size of migration and remittances in the CEE countries. An analysis of the statistical data from Eurostat concerning the transfer of financial means due to working abroad made it possible to assess the economic consequences of labour migrations of the CEE-10 inhabitants. It turned out that, as regards the amount of those transfers, the biggest beneficiaries are Poland, Romania and Hungary. Throughout the period under analysis (2004-2013) Poland saw a joint inflow of EUR 44.8 bn, Romania - EUR 31.9 bn, and Hungary - EUR 15 bn due to their citizens working abroad.


Author(s):  
Boris P. Guseletov ◽  
◽  

The article is dedicated to the analysis of the European Union’s Eastern Partnership program in the post-COVID period. It considers the main features of that program in modern conditions and further prospects for its de- velopment, taking into account the consequences of the COVID-19 pandemic for the European Union and the countries participating in this program. The author analyzes the EU leadership attitude to the individual participants of the program and identifies priorities in relation to the various countries represen- ted in it. To overcome the social and economic consequences of the COVID-19 pandemic, the European Commission decided to provide financial assistance to the participating countries, but the amount of the assistance for individual countries depended on the state of relations between the European Union and the leadership of those countries. It is proved in the article that the European Union currently has the most favorable relations with three countries parti- cipating in the program: Georgia, Moldova and Ukraine, which have openly declared a policy of rapprochement with the European Union in the political and economic fields. The author outlines positions of all the countries and their expectations of participating in the program in the nearest future as well as in the longer term.


2017 ◽  
Vol 31 (4) ◽  
pp. 163-184 ◽  
Author(s):  
Thomas Sampson

On June 23, 2016, the United Kingdom held a referendum on its membership in the European Union. Although most of Britain’s establishment backed remaining in the EU, 52 percent of voters disagreed and handed a surprise victory to the “leave” campaign. Brexit, as the act of Britain exiting the EU has become known, is likely to occur in early 2019. This article discusses the economic consequences of Brexit and the lessons of Brexit for the future of European and global integration. I start by describing the options for post-Brexit relations between the United Kingdom and the European Union and then review studies of the likely economic effects of Brexit. The main conclusion of this literature is that Brexit will make the United Kingdom poorer than it would otherwise have been because it will lead to new barriers to trade and migration between the UK and the European Union. There is considerable uncertainty over how large the costs of Brexit will be, with plausible estimates ranging between 1 and 10 percent of UK per capita income. The costs will be lower if Britain stays in the European Single Market following Brexit. Empirical estimates that incorporate the effects of trade barriers on foreign direct investment and productivity find costs 2–3 times larger than estimates obtained from quantitative trade models that hold technologies fixed.


Sign in / Sign up

Export Citation Format

Share Document