scholarly journals Firuz Agha and his hammam in Smederevo

Starinar ◽  
2018 ◽  
pp. 191-210
Author(s):  
Srdjan Katic ◽  
Aleksandar Krstic

This paper deals with the hammam in the Smederevo fortress, erected by Firuz Agha, the head of the Sultan?s treasury, between 1485 and 1490. Using Ottoman sources, the authors are able to determine the time of construction, the method of work and the role that this public bath played for Smederevo?s inhabitants. The hammam was very important for the functioning of the great Firuz?s waqf, which included numerous buildings in the Balkans and Anatolia. Based on data on the waqf?s revenue, it may be concluded that until the mid-16th century the hammam in the Smederevo fortress was one of the most profitable facilities of its kind in the Ottoman Empire. Over a quarter of a century, Firuz, as the court agha and later as the sanjak-bey, constructed another three hammams in Tokat, Sivas and Sarajevo, which help us discern patterns and changes in the manner of construction. Based on this knowledge and information about the appearance and manner of functioning of the numerous hammams built in the second half of the 15th and the first half of the 16th century, the authors present the presumed disposition of the rooms of the public bath in the Smederevo fortress. In the female section, the rooms can be determined with great certainty, while three possible types, based on the shape and dimensions, are offered for the hot part of the male section of the hammam.

2021 ◽  
Vol 69 (1) ◽  
pp. 65-82
Author(s):  
Tatjana Katic

The Islamisation of the population of two neighbouring regions south of Prizren, Gora and Opolje, occurred in varying degrees during the centuries-long rule of the Ottoman Empire in the Balkans. In Gora, inhabited by the Slavic population, it was extremely slow, while in Opolje, inhabited by the Albanians, it was incomparably more intensive. This paper aims to elucidate, based on the analysis of the Ottoman 15th and 16th century cadastral registers, the factors that affected the rate of conversion to Islam among the inhabitants of these two former Serbian medieval counties (zupas), later Ottoman nahiyes. Among the most important are the highly developed church organisation in the region of Gora on the one hand, and on the other hand, the proximity of Prizren, the military and administrative centre of the Prizren Sanjak in which high ranking officials of Opolje origin operated.


Author(s):  
Bosko Bojovic

The production of precious metals in the Balkans reached its climax in the 15th century. It was exported mostly by Ragusa, basically for the Venice Mint. According to the available documents it can be estimated that the traffic of such metals carried out via Ragusa was between 11060 kg in 1425, and an optimum estimation of 25 tons annually for the first half of the century. The Ottoman occupation of Serbia and Bosnia in the middle of the century marks the end of the exportation of raw materials indispensable to the European monetary economy, which lacked precious metals for mints. The production as well as the coining of the Balkan precious metals took place within the closed circuit of the Ottoman economic autarchy. Notwithstanding all the efforts of the central administration, including a highly developed legislation, and in spite of the development of a big mining centre of Siderokapsia (Eastern Macedonia), the production of precious metals continued to decline in the 15th century. This economic phenomenon led to the financial crash that marked the beginning of the recurring financial and economic crises in the Ottoman Empire at the end of the 16th century. The contribution of the precious metals from the Balkans to the European monetary economy at the end of the Middle Ages has not been sufficiently studied by the specialists in economic history, and it has not been taken into account regarding the spectacular decline of the Ottoman economy and power.


Sains Insani ◽  
2018 ◽  
Vol 1 (1) ◽  
pp. 55-60
Author(s):  
Nur Ainul Basyirah Alias ◽  
Ermy Azziaty Rozali

Waqf health institution or waqf hospital is one of the charity centre built by the Ottoman ruler. It was rapidly growth and became an example and had proven of social justice in Islam. It was built in almost every central government administration such as Istanbul, Edirne and Bursa. Besides, this institution is also built with other unit in a complex building such as public kitchen, library, mosque, school, college, and public bath. Along with the development of science and technology in 15th and 16th century, this waqf health institution also used as a medical school. This study aim to assess the development of waqf in this institution classify by category of waqf hospital built in Ottoman empire. In addition, the study was conducted by using qualitative method and historical studies. While, the data collection used the method of document analysis to analyse the data. In this research, all hospitals were supported by waqf funds. Through this study, it can be concluded that the waqf hospital were established by waqf funds from Ottoman ruler or wealthy persons.Keywords: Ottoman Empire, Waqf Hospital, Medicine, Islamic Civilisation. Abstrak: Institusi wakaf kesihatan yang dipelopori dengan pesat dalam kerajaan ‘Uthmaniyyah merupakan salah satu cabang kebajikan sosial daripada pemerintah kepada rakyat. Ia terbina hampir di setiap pusat pemerintahan kerajaan’ Uthmaniyyah seperti Istanbul, Edirne dan Bursa. Malah, institusi ini turut dibina bersama beberapa unit bangunan lain di dalam kompleks wakaf contohnya dapur awam, sekolah perubatan, tempat mandi (hamam), perpustakaan dan masjid. Seiring dengan perkembangan sains dan teknologi dalam kerajaan ‘Uthmaniyyah pada abad ke-15M, institusi kesihatan ini bergerak dan beroperasi sebagai satu tempat mempraktikkan ilmu sains perubatan yang dipelajari dalam institusi pendidikan. Kajian ini bertujuan untuk mengkaji perkembangan institusi kesihatan wakaf dalam kerajaan ‘Uthmaniyyah di samping meneliti penubuhan institusi ini dengan mengkelaskannya mengikut tahun. Selain itu, kajian ini dilakukan dengan menggunakan metode kualitatif yang berbentuk kajian sejarah manakala, kaedah pengumpulan data pula menggunakan kaedah analisis dokumen. Hospital-hospital yang dikaji adalah hospital dalam kerajaan ‘Uthmaniyyah yang menjalankan aktiviti daripada pembiayaan dana wakaf. Melalui kajian ini dapat diketahui bahawa institusi wakaf kesihatan ini ditubuhkan hasil pembiayaan dana wakaf yang datangnya daripada pemerintah atau orang perseorangan yang kaya.Kata kunci: Kerajaan ‘Uthmaniyyah, hospital wakaf, sains perubatan, tamadun Islam.


Belleten ◽  
2004 ◽  
Vol 68 (253) ◽  
pp. 687-734
Author(s):  
Kemal H. Karpat

This article clarifies several points related to the Ottoman entry into the First World War. First, the Young Turk leaders mistrusted deeply Great Britain which had occupied Egypt in 1882, and appeared disposed to satisfy French and Italian ambitions at the Ottoman expense. Yet, most of the Unionists, not to speak of the public and Parliament, were opposed to war. Indeed, the British and French tacitly agreed to divide the Ottoman state. For this reason, Cemal paşa, a friend of the French, even tried to conclude an alliance with Paris but was unsuccesful. Second, the decision to enter the war came as the consequence of stiff German pressure upon the Unionists leadership and became immediately a fact after the fleet under admiral Souchon's command bombarded the Russian ports. Only four Unionist leaders at most were informed about the German plans to attack Russia. Leading Ottoman officials such as Kazım Karabekir, Hafız Hakkı and many others were against early Ottoman entry into the war. Most of them wanted to wait until spring so as to have time to complete the necessary preparations for the battlefield. Probably, if the Ottoman entry into the war had been postponed for six months or so, Istanbul would have not entered the war at all since by then the hopes for a quick German victory would have vanished. Indeed, after the German offensive in France was stalled at Marne the Unionists seemed to develop second thoughts about the wisdom of fighting on Berlin's side. Consequently, the German diplomatic mission in İstanbul increased its pressures on Enver paşa, who acceded to Kaiser's war demands, still under the illusion that a German victory was imminent. In sum, the Ottoman entry into the war was not the consequence of careful preparation and long debate in the Parliament (which was recessed) and press. It was the result of a hasty decision by a handful of elitist leaders who disregarded democratic procedures and lacked long range political vision and fell easy victim to German machinations and their own utopian expectations of recovering the lost territories in the Balkans. The Ottoman entry into war prolonged it for two years and allowed the Bolshevik revolution to incubate and then explode in 1917 which in turn impacted profoundly the twentieth century world history and the Republican Turkey.


Author(s):  
D.R. Zhantiev

Аннотация В статье рассматривается роль и место Сирии (включая Ливан и Палестину) в системе османских владений на протяжении нескольких веков от османского завоевания до периода правления султана Абдул-Хамида II. В течение четырех столетий османского владычества территория исторической Сирии (Билад аш-Шам) была одним из важнейших компонентов османской системы и играла роль связующего звена между Анатолией, Египтом, Ираком и Хиджазом. Необходимость ежегодной организации хаджа с символами султанской власти и покровительства над святынями Мекки и Медины определяла особую стратегическую важность сирийских провинций Османской империи. Несмотря на ряд серьезных угроз во время общего кризиса османской государственности (конец XVI начало XIX вв.), имперскому центру удалось сохранить контроль над Сирией путем создания сдержек и противовесов между местными элитами. В XIX в. и особенно в период правления Абдул- Хамида II (18761909 гг.), сохранение Сирии под османским контролем стало вопросом существования Османской империи, которая перед лицом растущего европейского давления и интервенции потеряла большую часть своих владений на Балканах и в Северной Африке. Задача укрепления связей между имперским центром и периферией в сирийских вилайетах в последней четверти XIX в. была в целом успешно решена. К началу XX в. Сирия была одним из наиболее политически спокойных и прочно связанных со Стамбулом регионов Османской империи. Этому в значительной степени способствовали довольно высокий уровень общественной безопасности, развитие внешней торговли, рост образования и постепенная интеграция местных элит (как мусульман, так и христиан) в османские государственные и социальные механизмы. Положение Сирии в системе османских владений показало, что процесс ослабления и территориальной дезинтеграции Османской империи в эпоху реформ не был линейным и наряду с потерей владений и влияния на Балканах, в азиатской части империи в течение XIX и начала XX вв. происходил параллельный процесс имперской консолидации.Abstract The article examines the role and place of Greater Syria (including Lebanon and Palestine) in the system of Ottoman possessions over several centuries from the Ottoman conquest to the period of the reign of Abdul Hamid II. For four centuries of Ottoman domination, the territory of historical Syria (Bilad al-Sham) was one of the most important components in the Ottoman system and played the role of a link between Anatolia, Egypt, Iraq and Hijaz. The need to ensure the Hajj with symbols of Sultan power and patronage over the shrines of Mecca and Medina each year determined the special strategic importance of the Syrian provinces of the Ottoman Empire. Despite a number of serious threats during the general crisis of the Ottoman state system (late 16th early 19th centuries), the imperial center managed to maintain control over Syria by creating checks and balances between local elites. In the 19th century. And especially during the reign of Abdul Hamid II (18761909), keeping Syria under Ottoman control became a matter of existence for the Ottoman Empire, which, in the face of increasing European pressure and intervention, lost most of its possessions in the Balkans and North Africa. The task of strengthening ties between the imperial center and the periphery in Syrian vilayets in the last quarter of the 19th century was generally successfully resolved. By the beginning of the 20th century, Syria was one of the most politically calm and firmly connected with Istanbul regions of the Ottoman Empire. This was greatly facilitated by a fairly high level of public safety, the development of foreign trade, the growth of education and the gradual integration of local elites (both Muslims and Christians) into Ottoman state and social mechanisms. Syrias position in the system of Ottoman possessions clearly showed that the process of weakening and territorial disintegration of the Ottoman Empire during the era of reform was not linear, and along with the loss of possessions and influence in the Balkans, in the Asian part of the empire during the 19th and early 20th centuries there was a parallel process of imperial consolidation.


Experiment ◽  
2013 ◽  
Vol 19 (1) ◽  
pp. 149-181
Author(s):  
Azade-Ayse Rorlich

Abstract The Great Reform era in Russia, as well as the modernist movements in the Ottoman Empire and other Muslim lands represent the background against which the Muslims of the Russian Empire engaged in the scrutiny of the reasons behind the backwardness of their societies and began advocating the compatibility of Islam with modernity. After 1906, the Muslim press became the most important instrument in the creation of the public sphere where issues of tradition and modernity were debated. This essay focuses on the Tatar satirical journal Yalt-Yolt to explore its contribution to the critique of the old Muslim mentalité, as well as its role as an instrument of modernity.


Author(s):  
I. A. Averianov ◽  

Сoming to power of the Safavids Sufi dynasty in Iran (in the person of Shah Ismail I) in 1501 caused noticeable transformations in the political, social, cultural and religious life of the Near and Middle East. This dynasty used the semi-nomadic tribes of the Oguz Turks (‘Kyzylbash’) as its main support, which it managed to unite under the auspices of military Sufi order of Safaviyya. However, the culture of the Safavid state was dominated by a high style associated with the classical era of the Persian cultural area (‘Greater Iran’) of the 10th–15th centuries. The Iranian-Turkic synthesis that emerged in previous centuries received a new form with the adoption by the Safavids of Twelver Shiism as an official religious worldview. This put the neighboring Ottoman state in a difficult position, as it had to borrow cultural codes from ‘heretics’. Nevertheless, the Ottomans could not refuse cultural interaction with the Safavids, since they did not have any other cultural landmark in that era. This phenomenon led to a number of collisions in the biographies of certain cultural figures who had to choose between commonwealth with an ‘ideological enemy’ or rivalry, for the sake of which they often had to hide their personal convictions and lead a ‘double life’. The fates of many people, from the crown princes to ordinary nomads, were broken or acquired a tragic turn during the Ottoman-Safavid conflict of ‘spiritual paths’. However, many other poets, painters, Sufis sometimes managed to transform this external opposition into the symbolism of religious and cultural synthesis. In scholarly literature, many works explore certain aspects of the culture of the Ottoman Empire and the Safavid state separately, but there are almost no works considering the synthesis of cultures of these two largest Muslim states. Meanwhile, the author argues, that understanding the interaction and synthesis of the Ottoman and Safavid cultures in the 16th century is a key moment for the cultural history of the Islamic world. The article aims to outline the main points of this cultural synthesis, to trace their dependence on the ideology of the two states and to identify the personality traits of a ‘cultured person’ that contributed to the harmonization of the culture of two ideologically irreconcilable, but culturally complementary empires. A comparative study of this kind is supported by Ottoman sources. In the future, the author will continue this research, including the sources reflecting the perception of the Ottoman cultural heritage by the Safavids.


2019 ◽  
Vol 27 ◽  
pp. 29-41
Author(s):  
Piotr Zbróg

The beginnings of the shaping of social representations of borrowings in the public sphereThe article presents an initial phase of the process of shaping of social representations of borrowings. The aim was to obtain a view of the way in which participants of the public sphere talked about these elements of language, how they perceived them as well as what common sense image was created on this basis in the communication sphere and how it was modified. The first judgements and opinions on the matter of foreign words appeared around the 16th century and evolved from that moment. The theory of social representations developed by Serge Moscovici was applied as a theoretical and methodological basis of the description. Its research tools allow us to see the way in which societies construct meanings of matters important to them. On the basis of the analysis of the material it was established that from the beginning there were rather antagonistic elements of social representations of borrowings. The functionality of borrowings was noticed. Yet it was postulated that they should be eliminated from texts on account of the necessity to develop the native language, the incomprehensibility of statements as well as the excessive trend of foreignness.


DIYÂR ◽  
2021 ◽  
Vol 2 (2) ◽  
pp. 186-207
Author(s):  
Munir Drkić

This article considers the presence of Persian within the educational system of Bosnia and Herzegovina, the westernmost frontier of the ‘Persianate world’, between the 1860s and the first decade of 1900. Based on a survey of primary sources, such as the first journals introduced in Bosnia by the Ottoman administration, I show that the introduction of new educational establishments in the 1860s and 1870s brought a mass expansion of the teaching of Persian in Bosnia. Even after the Austro-Hungarian occupation of 1878, Persian continued to be taught in old and some newly founded schools. However, the following decades saw a lively debate on the teaching of Persian, highlighting the redundancy of this language in a new social and cultural context. As a result, Persian was completely removed from Bosnian schools at the beginning of the 20th century. In addition to presenting new knowledge about the spread of Persian in the Balkans, and the instruction of foreign languages in the Ottoman Empire, I intend to demonstrate here that a similar process of withdrawing and removing Persian from the educational system was occurring in Habsburg Bosnia simultaneously with the decline of Persian in British India.


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