scholarly journals Sculptures and “the sanctuary of Aesculapius” in Mediana

Starinar ◽  
2018 ◽  
pp. 89-109 ◽  
Author(s):  
Miloje Vasic

During the excavation in 2002, in trench 24A in Mediana, a head fragment of a sculpture was discovered, belonging to a life-sized, or possibly slightly larger, sculpture. Analysis of this head indicates that it is of Aesculapius. According to its stylistic features, it can be dated into the very end of the 2nd and the early 3rd century. This find raised the question as to whether there could have been a sanctuary dedicated to Aesculapius or Hygieia in Mediana. In this paper, statuettes of these two deities have been reconsidered, all of them unearthed within the ?villa with peristyle?. New dating has been suggested and it was concluded that the audience hall (triclinium), being the largest room within the villa, was turned into a sanctuary. Its apsis was turned into the most sacred place, separated from the rest of the hall with a bronze railing. The rest of the villa could have been used for the reception of the sick, just as in any other Asclepaion. At the same time, questions regarding other sculptures discovered within the villa were posed. The appearance of mythological sculptures in other villas throughout the Roman Empire was analysed in detail and it was concluded that the sculptures in Mediana were exclusively regarded as villa decoration and not as part of any cult. All of them were brought here from different places and they are dated differently. One should not discard the possibility that, for a short period of time, some of them, especially those representing deities with possible healing features, were in a sanctuary of Aesculapius. The sanctuary could have been opened during the reign of Julian the Apostate and it operated until his death.

2020 ◽  
pp. 33-45
Author(s):  
Matthias Grawehr

In the Augustan Age, a new aesthetic preference was propagated in the Roman Empire – the surface of white marble was valued as it symbolised the strength and superiority of the ‘new age’. Soon, an immense trade in high quality marble over land and sea developed to meet the emergent demand. While the development and scale of this trade is well studied, the repercussions that the new aesthetic preference had on the local architectural traditions in areas where no marble was close at hand is not commonly considered. In this contribution, two developments are traced, taking the Corinthian capital as the leitmotif. First, in the short period between c. 40 and 10 BC, patrons would choose imitation of marble in plaster to meet up with the demands of the new standard and to demonstrate their adherence to the Empire. In the second line of development, a different path was taken – a conscious use of local materials which went hand in hand with the development of a new type of capital, the so-called ‘Nabataean blocked-out’ capital. This combination turned into a new vernacular tradition across large parts of the eastern Mediterranean. Both developments were local responses to a new ‘global’ trend and can therefore be viewed as a phenomenon of glocalisation in the Roman Period.


Author(s):  
Irena Ljubomirović ◽  
Nenad Radulović

Iatric cults were spread in Hellas, and in the Hellenistic period were also venerated in Roman Empire. The most famous were Asclepius and his daughter Hygeia. Asclepius was famous Greek physician whose divine nature helped to heal the patients, which is why he was very popular among people. That's why he was popular among people. Asclepius was the only Greek deity to be accepted in the Temple of Westphalia in Rome, which means that the Romans thoroughly accepted him as very important deity in the Roman religion. He was considered to be the guardian of the individuals as well as the whole families, in addition, the protector of soldiers and even emperors. Sanctuaries were built in his honor, but he was also revered in sanctuaries of other gods. The healing power of Asclepius was associated with hot and cold water springs for use of water in the healing process which was very respected since the water was used in healing processes. It is assumed that one shrine was placed in imperial villa in Mediana, due to near hot water source in Niška banja. The veneration of cult of Asclepius in Mediana is traced back to the Roman emperor Julian and his restoration to paganism. Although Julian ruled for a short period of time, the statues of Asclepius and Hygeia remained in the villa in Mediana for decoration, only to be destroyed during the Hun devastation of Nais in 378. The need to prevent and cure people form deadly infectious diseases, which took many lives, had caused the respect of the cult of Asclepius in the territory of Hellas, Asia Minor and most part of Roman Empire in the period from the 16th century BC until the 6th century AD. From ancient time, people felt the need to take care of their own health, and when there was no other way to be cured, Asclepius helped with his supernatural power. His ability and readiness to provide help to everyone who needed it, made him the most widespread and respected cult of healing.


2020 ◽  
pp. 123-152
Author(s):  
Jerzy Żelazowski

The article presents the private houses of Ptolemais’ inhabitants in the context of the history and urban development of a city with a thousand-year-long history. Four periods can be distinguished in the history of Ptolemais: the first since the creation of the city’s final spatial development plan in the 2nd century BC until the Jewish Revolt in 115–117 AD; the second in the 2nd–3rd centuries AD under the sign of development and growing aspirations of Ptolemais; the third in the 4th century AD until the first half of the 5th century AD, when the city served as the capital of the province of Libya Superior; and the fourth, from the end of the 5th century AD until the mid-7th century AD, in which Ptolemais, after a short period of crisis related to the nomad invasions, flourished again until the appearance of the Arabs, marking the end of the ancient city, although not the end of settlement in its area. Within this historical framework, changes in the city’s buildings and the transformation of private houses can be identified, and various cultural influences associated with the arrival of new residents at different times with their baggage of experience or with the more or less significant presence of representatives of the civil and military administration of the Roman Empire can be seen.


2020 ◽  
pp. 343-350
Author(s):  
Владимир Михайлович Тюленев

В числе научных направлений, разрабатываемых в отечественной исторической науке последних нескольких лет, особенно выделяется то, что связано с изучением христианской Испании периода раннего Средневековья. За сравнительно короткий период времени вышло в свет сразу несколько изданий, предлагающих читателю как источники, отражающие становление христианского общества и культуры на Пиренейском полуострове периода поздней Римской империи и варварских королевств, так и исследования, в которых даётся новый взгляд на особенности иберийской истории того времени. Рецензируемая книга, подготовленная коллективом автором под общим научным руководством О. В. Аурова, является ярким примером успешного осмысления, а где-то переосмысления, исторического опыта христианства и Церкви вестготской Испании. Among the scientific directions that have been developed in the domestic historical science of the last few years, the most prominent is that associated with the study of Christian Spain in the early Middle Ages. In a relatively short period of time, several publications were published at once, offering the reader both sources reflecting the formation of Christian society and culture on the Iberian Peninsula during the period of the late Roman Empire and barbarian kingdoms, and studies that provide a new look at the features of the Iberian history of that time. The book under review, prepared by the team of the author under the general scientific guidance of O. V. Aurov, is a vivid example of a successful understanding, and somewhere rethinking, of the historical experience of Christianity and the Church of Visigothic Spain.


Author(s):  
Oleksandr Nadvirniak ◽  
Oleg Pogorilets

In autumn 2009, 33 whole and 3 fragmented аntoniniani were discovered and collected within the object of the Late Roman Age - Pereginka (Balakiri)2. According to available information, mostly the coins were concentrated in a limited area with sides of about 15 by 10 meters, and only a few ones were spread by plowing equipment at a distance of up to 30 meters. The distribution of coins and the general state of preservation suggests the collected аntoniniani may have been a part of the deposit, which lay at a depth of 25-40 cm, and was made on the day surface due to the use of more powerful attachments that is used in recent years in the cultivation of agricultural land. In the following years, another five whole and three fragmented аntoniniani were found. The total number of discovered coins is 44 copies. Chronologically, the complex is determined by the lower date – 238 A.D. – the issues of Gordian III: «IOVI CONCERVATORI» and «PROVIDENTIA AVG»; and the upper – 251-253 A.D. – the issues of Trebonianus Gallus «PIETAS AVGG» and Voluzian «PAX AVGG». The chronological framework of the complex's emissions is a relatively short period – about 15 years. The complex became the first fixed and attributed deposit of аntoniniani in the forest-steppe zone of South-Eastern Europe and it is extremely important for understanding the processes of formation of Chernyakhiv culture, as well as, further analysis and development of socio-economic relations of the Roman Empire and «Barbarian» communities in the east of the Danube Limes line. At the same time, the limited source base makes no sense to draw any conclusions about the ethnicity or social status of the deposit holder, as well as about possible ways of entering аntoniniani from the complex Perehinka (Balakiri) 2 on the territory of the Ukrainian Forest-Steppe. To receive conditions close to reality it is possible under the condition of detectiono of the closed complex (or its additional inspection) at carrying out full-fledged archeological researches of the given object. Undoubtedly, one can declare working hypotheses: the аntoniniani came here as prey captured by the «barbarians» during the fighting of 247-251 A.D.; or as a part of the ransom payments promised by Trebonianus Gallus to the «barbaric» tribal or military elite. It can be assumed that the аntoniniani belonged to one of the soldiers of the legions stationed in Moesia, who rebelled and joined the coalition of «barbarian» tribes during the «Scythian» wars, we can appeal to the testimony of Zosimus (Zos., I, 28) about a successful campaign of the Roman units in 253 A.D. those were led by Aemilian, during which not only the detachments of «barbarians» led by Kniva were defeated, but also a successful raid was carried out in their land. It is possible to consider assumptions that the complex could be a part of monetary maintenance of the serviceman or the veteran of regular or federal divisions… But – concerning each of the above-stated hypotheses it will be possible to find and express equal argumentation «for» and «against». As with the typology, the deposit is classified as a single-nominal or mixed treasure, as not only denarii but also sesterces and provincial issues are found on the site. We should also pay attention to another key point. The оbject Perehinka (Balakiri) 2, territorially belonging to the upper reaches of the Southern Bug, is located in a region characterized not only by high density and extreme saturation of monuments those belong to the Chernyakhiv culture, but also as one of the main areas its formation. It is here the objects represented by artifacts attesting to their belonging to the early stage of the Chernyakhiv culture are concentrated: Ruzhychanka, Cherneliv-Rusky, Berezhanka, Lepesivka, Luka-Vrublivetska, Chankiv I, and others. If we take into account the chronology of the early stage of Chernyakhiv culture- the so-called «ruzhychanka phase» (according to E. Gorokhovsky) – 230-270 A.D.; the «first phase» (according to I. Bazhan and A. Gay), which are generally synchronized with phase C1 of the Central-European chronological system – 220-260 A.D. – then the complex of аntoniniani from Pereginka (Balakiri)2 can be one of its chronological benchmarks, as an example, and аntoniniani Valerian and Trajan Decius (for Gerenia Etruscilla) in one of the burials of the Chernyakhiv necropolis of Talalayevka (Khrystynivskyi district, Cherkasy region).


Author(s):  
Barbara K. Gold

This chapter first lays out how we understand Christianity, contemporary ways of exploring ancient religion, and how contemporary studies of religious movements can help us to understand ancient religion; it also explores the social, economic, historical, archaeological, or other cultural forces that intersect with and explain the many facets of religious experience. It further discusses the provenance of Christianity in Roman Carthage; how Christianity started as a very small sect and became a dominant religion in a short period of time; Stark’s thesis about methods of and reasons for conversion; how a Christian or Christian group would have been identified and where they would have met; and who policed religious groups in the Roman empire. Finally the chapter discusses what difference Christianity and Christianness would have made in everyday life in Carthage.


Author(s):  
Adina Dragomirescu

Balkan-Romance is represented by Romanian and its historical dialects: Daco-Romanian (broadly known as Romanian), Aromanian, Megleno-Romanian, and Istro-Romanian (see article “Morphological and Syntactic Variation and Change in Romanian” in this encyclopedia). The external history of these varieties is often unclear, given the historical events that took place in the Lower Danubian region: the conquest of this territory by the Roman Empire for a short period and the successive Slavic invasions. Moreover, the earliest preserved writing in Romanian only dates from the 16th century. Between the Roman presence in the Balkans and the first attested text, there is a gap of more than 1,000 years, a period in which Romanian emerged, the dialectal separation took place, and the Slavic influence had effects especially on the lexis of Romanian. In the 16th century, in the earliest old Romanian texts, the language already displayed the main features of modern Romanian: the vowels /ə/ and /ɨ/; the nominative-accusative versus genitive-dative case distinction; analytical case markers, such as the genitive marker al; the functional prepositions a and la; the proclitic genitive-dative marker lui; the suffixal definite article; polydefinite structures; possessive affixes; rich verbal inflection, with both analytic and synthetic forms and with three auxiliaries (‘have’, ‘be’, and ‘want’); the supine, not completely verbalized at the time; two types of infinitives, with the ‘short’ one on a path toward becoming verbal and the ‘long’ one specializing as a noun; null subjects; nonfinite verb forms with lexical subjects; the mechanism for differential object marking and clitic doubling with slightly more vacillating rules than in the present-day language; two types of passives; strict negative concord; the SVO and VSO word orders; adjectives placed mainly in the postnominal position; a rich system of pronominal clitics; prepositions requiring the accusative and the genitive; and a large inventory of subordinating conjunctions introducing complement clauses. Most of these features are also attested in the trans-Danubian varieties (Aromanian, Megleno-Romanian, and Istro-Romanian), which were also strongly influenced by the various languages they have entered in direct contact with: Greek, Albanian, Macedonian, Croatian, and so forth. These source languages have had a major influence in the vocabulary of the trans-Danubian varieties and certain consequences in the shape of their grammatical system. The differences between Daco-Romanian and the trans-Danubian varieties have also resulted from the preservation of archaic features in the latter or from innovations that took place only there.


In terms of archaeology the defence structure defined as protective or fortification construction or enclosure around any settlement on the area with or without a moat. In an archaeological context, defence structures are mainly constructed on a formal or informal plan and consist of walls and fortification built in massive size. In our winter exploration, we tried to investigate the discovery of the ruins of defence structure found near sacred place/pilgrimage site in Sirohi District. Methodology: Our field survey in Sirohi district based on ancient folklore of Mount Abu to relate its multidisciplinary archaeological science related to the field of geography about the number of defence structures & fortress city. Remote sensing and GIS applications use to tracing the geo-coordinate location of structures and ruins. Also tries to focus on the contour of the area to know its higher-point, elevation and even measured MSL. Aim & Objective: In the history of Sirohi, only a few forts have been reported for example Basantgarh/Vasantagar, Chandrawati, Achalgarh, Sirohi city fort. First, three cities established in ancient time especially Vasantgarh is the oldest fortress city in the district. but What was purpose behind building these forts? What was the role of fortified temple in the kingdom? What trade links it have through trade routes and links with other kingdom? Why these cities got destroyed? We found ruins of defence structure near Vastanji, Gharkav Mata Ji, Shergaon, Utraj and Oriya. These sites are explored near Mount Abu. Conclusion: Most of the sites in above finding seem to possibly destroy in the earthquakes as these sites located near Seismic fault zone and here we found fallen ruins, large scattered rocks and buried cities mound. Most of the Modern settlement of Sirohi district built their houses on the buried mound. Still, sometimes villagers finding here artefacts related to historical settlement of ancient cities. In the end, we like to conclude that the geography of the area is very difficult to explore in a short period, our exploration continues.


Author(s):  
John North

Historians of antiquity used to argue that, from the 6th century bce onwards, the religious traditions of Greek and Roman pagans became an empty shell maintained by elites who no longer had any belief in them except as a device for keeping the masses subservient. In recent decades this theory, always highly speculative and over-dependent on the views of ancient philosophers, has been largely abandoned. In fact, down to the 2nd, even the 3rd century ce, pagan worship still seems to have been an important element in the way cities and communities of the Roman Empire worked, sustaining the power of ruling elites, but also defining the way individuals expressed their private concerns and problems. For the overwhelming majority, the old deities kept their hold, and there is a strong tradition of dedications, in fulfillment of vows to gods and goddesses, that bears witness to a continued tradition of individual piety. At the same time, although the Empire was successful from the 1st century bce onwards in maintaining widespread order and prosperity, the nature of city life was changing in fundamental respects. With stability came a high degree of mobility, and cities of both East and West came to find themselves with religious groups living in tense proximity, first of Jews, then of Christians, Manichaeans, and others. To those with a taste for broad generalizations, it has been appealing to interpret these developments as a great conflict between polytheism and monotheism, some rating monotheism as so superior that it could be treated as an inevitable step up in the evolutionary progression of the human race. Paganism was therefore doomed in advance. What is certain is that pagan religion and its many deities became the target of a concentrated attack by the Christian Fathers; but that alone can hardly explain why traditional worship lost its appeal to so many of its adherents in quite a short period of the 4th century ce: pagans suddenly began to abandon age-old practices and join new cults that they had once despised. Efforts at resistance to Christianity, in particular, once thought very important, prove to have been evanescent at best in the light of recent research. To find a new understanding of these very profound changes in religious history, analysis is needed: first, what were the fundamental differences between pagan traditionalism and the competing religions, and, second, how did relations between religious groups change over time. Answers cannot lie in studying only Christians, or only Jews, or only pagans, as is still too often the practice, but rather in the nature of their interactions with one another. The kind of religious competition for members that characterized this situation was quite a new phenomenon to the great majority of the inhabitants of the Empire. They were not accustomed to dealing with competing religious groups each with their own ideas and doctrines. Pagan deities had always needed to attract worshippers to their sanctuaries; but they were defined by myths, rituals, and the functions they performed, not by having distinct theologies or creeds. It was the coming of competition and conflict that radically changed the religious landscape and generated new elements in religious life. Meanwhile, once the Emperors had adopted Christianity, paganism, which had always been involved in the exercise of central power, retreated to the margins.


1962 ◽  
Vol 14 ◽  
pp. 133-148 ◽  
Author(s):  
Harold C. Urey

During the last 10 years, the writer has presented evidence indicating that the Moon was captured by the Earth and that the large collisions with its surface occurred within a surprisingly short period of time. These observations have been a continuous preoccupation during the past years and some explanation that seemed physically possible and reasonably probable has been sought.


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