scholarly journals Genealogy of the transformations of class strategies: To see, to speak, to know

Sociologija ◽  
2017 ◽  
Vol 59 (3) ◽  
pp. 253-274 ◽  
Author(s):  
Dusan Marinkovic ◽  
Dusan Ristic

This article is a genealogical research based on the hypothesis on transformations of class strategies of bourgeoisie in the 18th Century Europe. It relies on the Foucault?s genealogical method and general assumption that power has its own history and that deconstruction of ?old? Hobbesian diagram of power and sovereignty opens the possibility for the genealogical research of the class strategies of bourgeoisie. The question is not whether the bourgeoisie is the dominant class, but what discursive strategies and practices of power/knowledge were at stake in the processes of the legitimization of domination. We claim that historical emergence of the class strategies signified new ways of spatializing rationality in Western Europe, but also the new approach to life. Their aim was not to support the status quo in ancien r?gime but to enhance the productivity and to preserve the economic and biological balances. Those hybrid moduses of practices of power/knowledge that we call class strategies were the tools of bourgeoisie in the processes of the establishment of political, legal and state control with the ideological strategies of universalization and rationalization. We conclude that 18th Century in Europe was the period of the appearance of new, subtle forms and practices of class strategies that needed to be implemented in the emergent field of the social, through the processes of institutionalization and etatization. This century was also the time for development of discursive practices identified in terms: to see, to speak, to know.

2006 ◽  
Vol 157 (9) ◽  
pp. 377-383
Author(s):  
Winfried Schenk

At the beginning of the 1990s forest historians turned against the economic historian Joachim Radkau, who argued that lamentations in forest instructions around 1800 regarding wood shortage (scarcity) should rather be interpreted as an instrument of feudal authorities to regulate and constrain usage as well as a means to subjugate and discipline their subjects. By contrast, forest historians judged these lamentations to be an indication of actual shortcomings that existed before the advent of governmental forest management. As a result, many studies were undertaken that dealt with the social relevance of woods and forests in pre-industrial times. The present article starts with the status quo and traces back the complexity of the so-called wood emergency debate by taking a closer look at these early studies. It demonstrates how regional studies that were based on a wide range of sources contributed to the understanding of pre-industrial wood shortage events as complex phenomena related to distinct forest conditions and energy shortage discussions.


2021 ◽  
pp. 096372142199204
Author(s):  
Barbara A. Mellers ◽  
Siyuan Yin ◽  
Jonathan Z. Berman

Is the pain of a loss greater in magnitude than the pleasure of a comparable gain? Studies that compare positive feelings about a gain with negative feelings about a comparable loss have found mixed answers to this question. The pain of a loss can be greater than, less than, or equal to the pleasure of a comparable gain. We offer a new approach to test hedonic loss aversion. This method uses emotional reactions to the reference point, a positive change, and a negative change. When we manipulated the reference point (i.e., pleasurable and painful), two distinct patterns emerged. Pain surpassed pleasure (loss aversion) when the reference point was positive, and pleasure exceeded pain (gain seeking) when the reference point was negative. A reference-dependent version of prospect theory accounts for the results. If the carriers of utility are changes from a reference point—not necessarily the status quo—both loss aversion and gain seeking are predicted. Loss aversion and gain seeking can be reconciled if you take the starting point into account.


Author(s):  
Tahir Abbas

This article situates the debate on the United Kingdom’s Prevent policy in the broader framework of the global paradigm for countering violent extremism (CVE), which appeared at the end of 2015. It argues that omission of a nuanced focus on the social, cultural, economic, and political characteristics of radicalised people has led to a tendency to introduce blanket measures which, inadvertently and indirectly, have had harmful results. Moreover, although Prevent has been the fundamental element of the British government’s counterterrorist strategy since 2006, it confuses legitimate political resistance of young British Muslims with signs of violent extremism, thus giving credence to the argument that Prevent is a form of social engineering which, in the last instance, pacifies resistance by reaffirming the status quo in the country’s domestic and foreign policy.


NAN Nü ◽  
2021 ◽  
Vol 23 (1) ◽  
pp. 137-162
Author(s):  
Wanning Sun

Abstract The social problem of “leftover men” among the most marginalized members of China’s rural migrant population has become widely known, but how these rural migrants themselves talk about and make sense of their failures to secure a marriage partner is relatively less understood. Answering this question may also shed light on how socioeconomic marginalization makes an impact on rural migrant men’s masculine identity. This paper is a longitudinal study of a cohort of unmarried rural migrant men born in the 1980s. This study shows that the emotional experience of cohort members is marked by a mixture of persistent feelings of loneliness, bitterness, and dissatisfaction with the status quo of their lives, and a quiet yearning for the possibility – however remote – of “finding someone” in the future. The paper also points to “masculine grievance” as a useful concept for understanding how unmarried migrant men rationalize their emotional hardships.


1984 ◽  
Vol 4 (4) ◽  
pp. 409-428 ◽  
Author(s):  
Richard M. Smith

ABSTRACTThere has recently emerged in the writings of those who have adopted an overtly ‘radical’ approach to social work and the welfare state, a coherent interpretation of how the status of older persons is lowered in the course of the development of industrial capitalism. The focus in these recent writings is on the social creation of dependent status and the structural determinants of the competitive relationship between elderly individuals and younger adults in the labour market. This paper reviews the arguments of this school of thought arguing firstly that it fails to take sufficient account of the longer term population history of England, suggesting that the contrast between the middle and later twentieth century and the nineteenth century is apparently so marked largely because of the atypicality of the latter period when high fertility and rapid demographic growth produced an historical minimum for the proportion of the elderly in the total population. A second failure in this recent radical or marxist research is that it also does not take sufficient account of the kinship system in north west Europe which appears to have created a situation of structured dependency of the elderly on the collectivity irrespective of the specific mode of production. Pre-industrial north west Europeans exhibited a striking contrast in this particular cultural trait with many, indeed most non-industrial societies outside Western Europe or regions populated by emmigrants from that area.


1979 ◽  
Vol 22 (2) ◽  
pp. 331-349 ◽  
Author(s):  
Ian L. D. Forbes

In recent times the historiography of the Wilhelmine Reich has clearly reflected the influence of Eckart Kehr and of later historians who have adopted and developed his work. The Rankean dogma of the Primat der Aussenpolitik (primacy of foreign policy) has been replaced by a new slogan, Primat der Innenpolitik (primacy of domestic policy). The resultant interpretive scheme is by now quite familiar. The social structure of the Bismarckean Reich, it is said, was shaken to its foundations by the impact of industrialization. A growing class of industrialists sought to break the power of the feudal agrarian class, and a rapidly developing proletariat threatened to upset the status quo. The internecine struggle between industrialists and agrarians was dangerous for both and for the state, since the final beneficiary might be the proletariat. Consequently agrarians and industrialists closed their ranks against the common social democrat enemy and sought to tame the proletariat, which had grown restive under the impact of the depression, by means of a Weltpolitik which would obviate the effects of the depression, heal the economy, and vindicate the political system responsible for such impressive achievements. Hans-Ulrich Wehler and others call this diversionary strategy against the proletarian threat social imperialism; and this, it is said, is the domestic policy primarily responsible for Wilhelmine imperialism.


1982 ◽  
Vol 3 (1) ◽  
pp. 169
Author(s):  
Aimara Da Cunha Resende

As Shakespeare matures, his ideological stance changes from that of a writer believing in and backing up the establishment, to that of one who, though deeply aware of man in his human condition, doubts the validity of the status quo. His art then reflects the changes in his stance. At first it tends to present Renaissance poetics, becoming essentially Baroque, in its greatest phase, to move back to more firmly delineated forms and structures, in his last plays. This study of A Midsummer Night's Dream, Hamlet and The Tempest aims at presenting some characteristics both of the Renaissance elements in the structure, based on "mise en abyme," and of the Baroque poetics found within this structure. These aspects are viewed against the background of the ideology of Shakespeare's England at the same time that duplication, in Lacan's sense, is analysed and shows to coincide with the support and/or acceptance of the social cannons.


2017 ◽  
Vol 1 (3) ◽  
pp. 146
Author(s):  
Kittiphong Praphan

<p>Diasporic literature functions as an important source which provides the social contexts of the home countries of its authors. Carlos Bulosan’s 'America is in the Heart' and Pira Sudham’s 'Monsoon Country' are among this group of literature representing the voice of the oppressed and exploited farmers in the Philippines and Thailand, respectively home of the authors. The farmers are represented as being exploited by those in power, including colonizers, local officials, landlords, and middlemen. The exploiters can be seen as capitalists who accumulate wealth through the labor and the property of farmers. In their methods of oppression the oppressors employ State Apparatuses and Ideological State Apparatuses to maintain the status quo and reproduce the exploitative system. To transcend the oppression and exploitation, the major characters of the books struggle to obtain education, since they view that ignorance is the most important cause of the exploitation. Education is seen as the only way to eliminate ignorance and liberate themselves as well as their people from the exploitative cycle. 'America Is in the Heart' and 'Monsoon Country' represent the voice of the farmers in the Philippines and Thailand who condemn their exploiters and raise readers’ awareness of the problem.</p><p> </p><p><strong>Keywords: </strong><em>diasporic literature, oppression and exploitation, education, voice</em></p>


1996 ◽  
Vol 23 ◽  
pp. 111-120 ◽  
Author(s):  
Stephen Bühnen

Jan Jansen has substantially advanced our understanding of the “status discourse” between polities, in Mande and far beyond, through a new approach to one of the more common types of historical evidence: genealogy. At the core of his paper is an analysis of genealogical metaphors used in status discourse, combined with an awareness of the principles of lineage segmentation; he uncovered a nexus of ideology and social structure. The quintessential observation made by Jansen is that “the status of recent immigration and the position of the youngest brother is very prestigious” and that both ultimately emanate from the “principles of patrilocal settlement and patrilineal descent.”Once this is accepted, everything falls into line: the unexpected claim for the status of ‘younger brother,’ as well as the contradictory genealogies of ‘related’ lineages. His observation has escaped the attention of previous research (including my own) because it contravenes our expectation that younger age, factual or figurative, always signifies subordination under ‘older’ authority. Oral traditions from different ethnic groups in Senegambia confirm Jansen and attest to Kangaba's historical prestige.Jansen's paper should be read in conjunction with his “The Younger Brother and the Stranger,” in which he studies the social basis of status discourse in more detail and also touches on the symbolism employed. He has overcome a crucial error in a long tradition of historical writing on the western Sudan: the taking of genealogy at face value, whereas genealogy reflects the recent state of relationship between persons or groups rather than factual ancestry.


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