scholarly journals Preconditions for new environmental governance in Serbia

Sociologija ◽  
2012 ◽  
Vol 54 (1) ◽  
pp. 87-104 ◽  
Author(s):  
Mina Petrovic

The preconditions for new environmental governance in Serbia, which should be developing with country's accession to EU, are the object of analysis. Relying on regime theory, the paper is focused on the role of state and civil society actors. The analysis is informed by two empirical researches. Firstly, the concept of new governance regime is described as well as different types of civic activism: participative and transactional. Secondly, the legislative and institutional preconditions as well as action capacities of state and civil society actors are analyzed. The concluding part summarizes the basic findings and emphasizes the obstacles to new environmental governance in Serbia: close political opportunities, authoritarian legacy and prevalence of traditional command and control approaches, lacking of important resources for cooperative action, no tradition of institutionalized state-society relations, etc.

Author(s):  
HAIYAN DUAN ◽  
KAMRAN AHMED ◽  
MARTHIN NANERE

We examine the effects of different types of executive incentives on technological innovation of declining firms and the moderating effects of the degree of decline and organisational slack on executive incentives and enterprise technological innovation. We also assess the synergetic effects of different types of executive incentives on technological innovation of declining enterprises. We find the following: first, executive compensation incentive, equity incentive and control incentives are beneficial to promote technological innovation in declining enterprises. Second, the degree of decline negatively moderates the relationship between equity incentive and technological innovation. Third, organisational slack positively moderates the relationship between equity incentive and technological innovation, as well as the relationship between control incentives and technological innovation, especially for severely declining enterprises. Fourth, there are synergistic effects between executive control incentive and compensation incentive, control incentives and equity incentive on technological innovation. The contributions are as follows: first, taking declining enterprises as sample, we suggest that to increase the role of compensation incentive and equity incentive in promoting technological innovation in declining enterprises, the control incentives should be strengthened. Second, organisational slack should be fully exploited for severely declining enterprises so that executives should have the motivation and conditions to carry out technological innovation and further help declining enterprises to turnaround successfully.


2017 ◽  
Vol 7 (3) ◽  
pp. 174
Author(s):  
AmirNezam Barati ◽  
Ali Babayee Mehr ◽  
Mohsen Sharifi

Combating against corruption is one of the most important factors for establishing Good Governance. Corruption is a social, political and economic phenomenon that defect the democratic institutions and stop establishing good governance. This study using analytical – descriptive, analyses the role of civil society in combat corruption with glance to I.R.IFindings of this study show that the role of special civil societies has remarkable efficiency and effectiveness in combat corruption. In challenging corruption different actor such as government, private sector and specialized civil society have function, but the role of civil societies is more effective than others.In relating to the I.R.I actions against corruption, the country enacted different laws such as the law of access to information, the Law of United Nations Convention against Corruption and this process will send a clear message that the country is determined to prevent and control corruption. In pathology of corruption in I.R of Iran the concentration on fighting against corruption, is concentrated on "The Staff of Combat against Economic Corruption" and civil society don’t have effective or remarkable role to fight against this abnormality and this Staff is most important centers to harmonize the actions against corruption. Finally, the most important causes of corruption in every developing Nations in Transit such as Iran are big government and interference of Government in economy, the weakly embedded rule of law, the ineffective and inefficient of government policy, lack of accountability and institutional transparency.


2020 ◽  
Vol 22 (1) ◽  
pp. 114-138
Author(s):  
Davide Strazzari

Abstract Resettlement is the selection and transfer of refugees from a State in which they have sought protection to a third State which has agreed, voluntarily, to admit them. Since resettlement is subject to State planning and control, it is usually immune from current populist narratives that depicts immigration as contrary to national interests. By looking at the experience of both US and Canada, the paper argues that this is not always the case. Resettlement involves not only an international dimension of solidarity, but also an intra-national one which, in turn, is both vertical and horizontal. The former refers to the role of the subnational units with regard to the selection and the distribution of refugees crossover the country, while the latter relates to the involvement of civil society in some elements of their identification or reception. A lack of coordination among these multiple dimensions of solidarity may result in local resistances that in the long run can influence the enforcement of national resettlement policy.


2004 ◽  
Vol 10 (3) ◽  
pp. 324-335 ◽  
Author(s):  
S.P. Ringer ◽  
K.R. Ratinac

This work reviews recent research on the design and control of interfaces in engineering nanomaterials. Four case studies are presented that demonstrate the power of a multimodal approach to the characterization of different types of interfaces. We have used a combination of conventional, high resolution, and analytical transmission electron microscopy, microbeam electron diffraction, and three-dimensional atom probe to study polymer–clay nanocomposites, turbine rotor steels used for power generation, multicomponent aluminum alloys, and nanocrystalline magnetic materials.


2018 ◽  
pp. 36-38
Author(s):  
M. S. Islam

Сivil society is a group of people excluded from the government and the army and providing a counterbalance and control of the state at the national and local levels in the country. In Bangladesh, since independence in 1971, civil society organizations have been successfully involved in social development, but they have been criticized not to be able promote democracy in Bangladesh because of their support for political parties. Therefore, it impedes strong opposition to corruption and non-democratic activities in the country. In this article, using the historical method, the author analyzes the features and role of civil society in Bangladesh.


2018 ◽  
Vol 37 (3) ◽  
pp. 109-137 ◽  
Author(s):  
Chan Tsu Chong

The 14th general election (GE14) in Malaysia saw a democratic breakthrough as the Barisan Nasional's uninterrupted rule since independence finally came to an end. This article seeks to analyse the role and impact of the Bersih movement in GE14 by examining the political context of GE14 via three key political opportunities: the 1MDB scandal; electoral fraud and manipulation; and the re-delineation of electoral boundaries. Bersih's core campaigns, actions, and strategies in response to these political opportunities will be analysed based on information and insights generated from the author's involvement as a member of Bersih's secretariat. The political opportunity resulting from the 1MDB scandal gave room for civil society and the opposition to go on the offensive; Bersih took the lead and continued the tradition of coalition-building between civil society and opposition forces, and brought focus to cross-ethnic issues. At the same time, Bersih held firm in its agenda for electoral reform by continuing to consistently monitor and mobilise against electoral fraud and manipulation leading up to GE14. Via the re-delineation exercise, it mobilised and coordinated resistance by increasing civic participation in the constitutional process and created new areas of contestation via the judiciary. In parallel, Bersih's efforts and strategies towards these political opportunities had created conditions that contributed towards Pakatan Harapan's victory in GE14.


Author(s):  
Melissa L. Caldwell

This chapter examines the ambiguous role of religiously affiliated charitable organizations within the field of social justice work in Russia and how these organizations promote new ethics and practices of humaneness, civility, and civic engagement in their social welfare work. Specifically, religiously affiliated charitable organizations creatively play with both the official and unofficial criteria and terminology for different types of organizations and assistance – development, charity, humanitarianism, nongovernmental, religious, and secular – in ways that enable them to work both outside and alongside state organizations. In so doing, not only do they trouble distinctions between secular and religious, state and non-state, governmental and nongovernmental, but they also contribute to a different form of civil society and civil activism in Russia.


2021 ◽  
pp. 101-138
Author(s):  
Per Selle ◽  
Kristin Strømsnes

A vibrant civil society is important in a democratic system, and society’s contact with, opposition to and control of the political system is crucial for the democratic system to survive. In this chapter we look at the relationship between the Sámi Parliament and Sámi civil society from several perspectives: those of the party leaders and representatives, the civil society organizations, and the voters. We find that Sámi interest and participation in civil society is at the same level as that of the population at large when we measure participation in Sámi and Norwegian organizations combined. We also find that the level and type of contact between the parties represented in the Sámi Parliament and Sámi civil society organizations is limited, and that little points to these organizations having an important advocacy role. Their control and opposition role is weak. We conclude that the political role of Sámi civil society is weak and challenging for the Sámi political system and democracy.


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