scholarly journals Changes in the recruitment patterns of the economic and political elites in Serbia

Sociologija ◽  
2006 ◽  
Vol 48 (2) ◽  
pp. 97-112 ◽  
Author(s):  
Mladen Lazic ◽  
Slobodan Cvejic
Keyword(s):  
Higher Education ◽  
Institutional Environment ◽  
Political Elite ◽  
Political Regime ◽  
The Political ◽  
Mobility Patterns ◽  
General Hypothesis ◽  
Economic Elite ◽  
Recruitment Patterns ◽  
Elite Recruitment

In this paper the changing patterns of economic and political elite recruitment in Serbia are studied on the basis of three sets of data, collected in our surveys done in 1989, 1993 and 2004. Our hypothesis was that elite recruitment patterns changed after the political regime change in 2000, but in a different direction compared to the period of the 1990s. From a long-term perspective, we expect continuing increases in the relevance of higher education for elite recruitment, and equalization of the relevance of higher education for both the political and economic elites. On the other hand, we expect decreasing relevance for political affiliation among the economic elite, accompanied by an increasing importance of social networking during the period of a prolonged weak institutional environment. In order to test our general hypothesis we describe inter- and intra-generational patterns of recruitment. The relevance of education, party membership and networking as mobility channels is analyzed by model of logistic regression. We also compare changes in patterns of elites? recruitment with changing mobility patterns of social classes in Serbia, 1989-2004.

History of the Word "Democracy" in Canada and Québec: A Political Analysis of Rhetorical Strategies

2010 ◽  
Vol 6 (1) ◽  
Author(s):  
Francis Dupuis-Déri
Keyword(s):  
The United States ◽  
Political Elite ◽  
Political Regime ◽  
The Political ◽  
Rhetorical Strategies ◽  
Founding Fathers ◽  
Discursive Strategies ◽  
Political Analysis ◽  
History Of ◽  
The Masses

An examination of the speeches of modern Canada’s “founding fathers” reveals that they were openly antidemocratic. How did a regime founded on anti-democratic ideas come to be positively identified with democracy? Drawing on similar studies of the United States and France, this analysis of the history of the term democracy in Canada shows that the country’s association with democracy was not due to constitutional or institutional changes that might have justified re-labelling the country’s political regime. Rather, it was the result of discursive strategies employed by the political elite to strengthen its ability to mobilize the masses during the World Wars.

Political and Socio-Economic Elites: The Encounter of Provincials with Porteños in Fin-de-Siêcle Buenos Aires

2003 ◽  
Vol 59 (3) ◽  
pp. 379-403 ◽  
Author(s):  
Stephanie Bower
Keyword(s):  
Federal Government ◽  
Buenos Aires ◽  
Political Elite ◽  
The Political ◽  
Economic Elite ◽  
Cultural Texts ◽  
Economic Elites ◽  
Argentine History ◽  
Centennial Celebrations ◽  
The Relationship

In 1880, following a two-generation-long civil war, Argentina embarked upon a critical period of nation-building, which culminated in the centennial celebrations of 1910. In The Argentine Generation of 1880: Ideology and Cultural Texts, David Foster has commented upon the inconclusiveness of national cultural formation as Argentina turned from the nineteenth to the twentieth century, the uncertainty of how much from the provinces would be incorporated into the elite-constructed culture emanating from the port city of Buenos Aires. The recently published work of Roy Hora, The Landowners of the Argentine Pampas: A Social and Political History 1860-1945, and the work of Tulio Halperin, “The Buenos Aires Landed Class and the Shape of Argentine Politics (1820-1930),” which preceded it, further heighten the significance of provincial-porteño interaction at this point in Argentine history. Halperin and Hora find that during these years, and beyond, the socio-economic and the political elite of Argentina was not a unified whole, but rather two distinctive groups. In the leadership of the socio-economic elite was a landed class based on the estancias of the Argentine pampa and overwhelmingly porteño in character. Provincials dominated the political elite, as the provinces ‘captured’ the federal government in the years following their reunification with the province of Buenos Aires in 1861. Participation in the federal government brought the provincial political elite into contact with the porteño estancieros who dominated the socio-economic elite, as these were almost universally resident in the federal capital. But Roy Hora has described the relationship between the two groups as “problematic.”

scholarly journals Gender as a recruitment criterion in the parliamentary political elite of Latvia (1993–2016)

2018 ◽  
Vol 51 ◽  
pp. 01007
Author(s):  
Lelde Metla-Rozentale
Keyword(s):  
Political Elite ◽  
The Political ◽  
Equal Rights ◽  
United Nations General ◽  
Governance Model ◽  
History Of ◽  
United Nations General Assembly ◽  
Elite Recruitment

The globalization process has transformed substantially understanding of the issue of border. Revising borders is also seen in political science – in the area of political elite recruitment. Recruitment criteria and their importance are changing, including the importance of gender. In 1981 the United Nations General Assembly adopted the Convention on the Elimination of All Forms of Discrimination Against Women, which provides equal rights of genders in the political elite, the so-called “mirror representation”, i.e., in the political elite men and women should be represented proportionally according to their number in society [4]. It should be particularly stressed that the purpose of “mirror representation” is not only to ensure equal rights of genders, but first of all to improve the quality of politics. As soon as Latvia regained its independence in 1990, the complicated process of formation (recovery) of the democratic governance model started. In 1993 the first parliamentary elections were held, and by 2016 elections for eight parliamentary terms had been held [3]. In view of the complex political history of Latvia, it is interesting and important to clarify the role of gender in the Latvian parliamentary political elite recruitment process – what correlations can be observed with regard to the male and female share in the parliament during the period from 1995 till 2016, and the extent to which it complies with the sex ratio breakdown of the society.

scholarly journals Religious myths and legitimation of Power

2018 ◽  
Vol 11 (2) ◽  
pp. 339-349
Author(s):  
Vyacheslav S. Polosin
Keyword(s):  
The State ◽  
Political Elite ◽  
Political Regime ◽  
The Political ◽  
Popular Opinion ◽  
Religious Thinking ◽  
Geopolitical Context

The article deals with the superstitions and biased opinion regarding the State and its structre. The superstitions are usually used by the society both to legitimize the political regime and to represent politicians as heroes in the popular opinion. In the article are analyzed methods which enable the religious thinking to shape popular ideas about the state and its government. The author also enlightens the role of political elite in creating the rulers’ image. The article also comprises an analysis of Islamic influence in the geopolitical context.

scholarly journals System rządów parlamentarnych na obszarze poradzieckim: casus Mołdawii i Łotwy

2018 ◽  
pp. 115-130
Author(s):  
Krzysztof Fedorowicz
Keyword(s):  
Political System ◽  
Great Influence ◽  
Formal System ◽  
Political Conflict ◽  
Political Elite ◽  
Political Regime ◽  
The Political ◽  
Political Transformation ◽  
Presidential System ◽  
Former Ussr

The fundamental problem faced by the states that have emerged in the area of the former USSR involved the definition of the desired form of their own political regime. The choices made in this respect in the first stage of political transformation were frequently limited only to the formal stipulation of model legal and constitutional solutions. The post-communist elite wielding power in the new states was characterized by a desire to form a one-man organ of state in the form of a strong president. The absence of democratic traditions and the negative legacy of the USSR have profoundly influenced the processes of shaping the political regimes in the post-Soviet area, and have actually become the predominant reason to legitimize authoritarianism. Only a few states of the former USSR have decided to adopt a model of governance other than a strong presidential system. Latvia deserves attention in this respect, as it has decided to reinstate the tested political principles of the interwar period. In the process of political transformation, the Latvian political elite has opted for the parliamentary system of governance and chose a weak presidency and the primacy of parliament. The transformation process was quickly completed allowing Latvia to be classified today as a non-consolidated democracy. Moldova’s adopting the system of parliamentary governance in 2000 was, in turn, an unintentional result of a political conflict caused by the President’s endeavors to form a strong presidential system. Moldovan parliamentarianism is a product of a protracted shaping of the institutional foundations of the political system and a byproduct of political competition between the legislative and executive powers. The domination of Communists on the Moldovan political stage, however, resulted in the state’s appropriation by one group and President Vladimir Voronin, who enjoyed a great influence exerted both on the parliamentary majority (as the leader of the ruling party) and the government, despite the formal system providing for a parliamentary republic. There emerged a dangerous precedent of the President exceeding his rights and thus becoming the actual leader of a formally parliamentary republic. In the period from 2001–2009, Moldova was a system of controlled democracy where apparently democratic institutions were in fact a cover for undivided, informal power wielded by a small circle. This triggered a social revolution in 2009 and early parliamentary elections, which resulted in a transfer of power and the establishment of a coalition of liberal and democratic parties clearly expressing their intention to implement market reforms and European integration. Despite political obstruction in Moldova’s shaping of its political system, the country stands out among the former post-Soviet republics. It is the only state in the Commonwealth of Independent States where a continuous and uninterrupted cycle of the transfer of power by means of elections can be observed to conform to the law and constitution since the country declared independence in 1991.

scholarly journals Cohedissent–Specific Behavior of University Unions to Increase Competitiveness

2018 ◽  
Vol 10 (3) ◽  
pp. 5-23
Author(s):  
Ștefan Liana ◽  
Imbrescu Ion
Keyword(s):  
Higher Education ◽  
Political Parties ◽  
Trade Unions ◽  
Quantitative Research ◽  
Value Added ◽  
Political Regime ◽  
The Political ◽  
Research Activities ◽  
University Leaders

Abstract The change of the political regime in Romania determined a real revolution in the activity of the trade unions which suddenly had to change their objectives and their working methods. These organisations were in a position to struggle for the status of universities and their professors in a society that considered that 3% of GDP for education is too much. Is possible to understand that trade unions acting instead of universities managers, but immediately after 1989, the rectors and their teams depended by the politicians in a way that they cannot ask more for the needs of universities, and these situations are comparable with ones manifested in other countries, like Peru, Bolivia or Ecuador (Haggard and Kaufmann, 1995). The social and professional involvement of university unions is now much more significant, and their role in the life of higher education institutions is becoming more and more imperative. Not only do they struggle for financial resources and real autonomy, but they also support the didactic and research activities of their members. They also try to prevent and stop the abuse of university leaders. This work aims to present the activity of the union of UniversitasTimisiensis (West University of Timisoara), the role it plays to increase the cohesion between its members and the cooperation with other university unions of Romania. We will also present some current and future solutions that can develop the competitiveness of our institution to make it more attractive not only for professors and researchers but also for students. Methodology: In almost two decades we have observed that the role of education is treated differently in political declarations and public budgetary allocation. We tried to understand what the causes of these differences are, and we noticed that the formal voice of different union federations (there are four in the education field in Romania) is quite the same, but also there are some informal arrangements with governmental officials. Even in the higher education area, there are different aspects related to the goals of groups of universities (comprehensive, technical, medical) so the cohesion of different unions can be only apparent. We tried to investigate these aspects using quantitative research based on data supplied by Eurostat and National Institute of Statistics and about 15 interviews with different persons involved in the management of union organisations to see the characteristics of common patterns and also the specific differences. Findings: We discovered that in the field of education there is a paradox of functionality of a system. All political parties sustain the idea of a consistent allocation of resources for education (there is a National Pact for Education signed by all parties in 2008 and assumed by all other parties that appeared after 2008), but in ten years the allocation was around 3% of GDP that represents only half of the agreement. The unions were forced to adopt different strategies in an unfriendly environment: they cooperated in most of the cases but, due to the lack of resources, they had to rally to the positions of the management of universities and that sometimes determined the dissent with other unions. Value Added: It can be assumed that the unions can have an important role in education environment, even if they act in cohesion (most of the cases) and dissent (especially in case of improvement the position of the home university). The cohedissent (we try to underline the combination between the terms cohesion and dissent because it is almost impossible to have only cohesion in educational area) behaviour can represent a key factor to understanding the specificity of the role of university unions in improving the educational environment and insending more suggestive messages to the political parties. Recommendations: The scientific research in universities is an essential aspect of higher education and the specific research within and between university unions can potentiate the activities of teachers and researchers. The cooperation between unions must be improved and the dissent must be used constructively.

scholarly journals Regime and state breakdown: dissolution of the Soviet Union

2020 ◽  
pp. 309-322
Author(s):  
Fei Haiting
Keyword(s):  
Soviet Union ◽  
Political Science ◽  
The State ◽  
Political Elite ◽  
Political Regime ◽  
The Political ◽  
Loss Of Control ◽  
National Interests ◽  
The Soviet Union ◽  
State Breakdown

The mechanism of causality between the breakdown of political regime and the disintegration of a state is an important topic in political science. The dissolution of the Soviet Union is a typical example. The aim of perestroika was the transformation of the political regime by renewing the top elite and inclusion of mass groups in the system of government. The initiators of the reform planned to achieve their goals through the general reconstruction of relations between the CPSU and the Soviet state, the redistribution of power from the party elite to the Soviet one concentrated in the Councils of People’s Deputies at various levels. In practice, the implementation of two reforms at once (distancing the party from the authorities and optimizing governance) led to the split of the entire political elite. The struggle of opposing elite groups for dominance led to the paralysis of state power, the loss of control over what was happening in the country. As a result, the interests of elite groups began to prevail over the national interests and ultimately led to the destruction of the state. Thus the authorsubstantiates the thesis that the destabilization of a regime as a result of the inter-elite struggle leads to the destruction of a state. The problem of elite renewal and consolidation and the transfer powers from the party elite to the state one becomes important.

scholarly journals La Universidad-Pueblo: Periodismo, política y democracia en el sur de México durante la década de 1970

2021 ◽  
Vol 33 ◽  
pp. 1-23
Author(s):  
Ana Lilia Nieto Camacho ◽  
Rafael Alarcón Medina ◽  
Miguel Ángel Ríos
Keyword(s):  
Higher Education ◽  
Citizen Participation ◽  
Historical Perspective ◽  
Public Life ◽  
The State ◽  
Political Regime ◽  
The Political ◽  
Left Wing ◽  
Social Project ◽  
The Relationship

The article analyzes the relationship between the State and universities in Mexico during the 1970s. From a socio-historical perspective, the academic and social project, Universidad-Pueblo, of the Universidad Autónoma de Guerrero (UAG) is addressed. The emphasis on written press makes it possible to observe how some higher education institutions and its students proposed critical models that were strongly articulated with social demands and left-wing movements amid an authoritarian political regime in which democratic institutional ways of citizen participation were virtually closed. The Universidad-Pueblo project is one of the most radical and complex experiences of this process and its study allows to analyze the relevance of universities within the state’s public life, as well as to consider the UAG as a democratic sphere in the political context of the state of Guerrero.

Political power and fear: dialectics of interpenetration

2021 ◽  
pp. 95-103
Author(s):  
Dmitrii Nikolaevich Barinov
Keyword(s):  
Side Effect ◽  
Political Power ◽  
Theoretical Models ◽  
Political Elite ◽  
Political Regime ◽  
The Political ◽  
Methodological Framework ◽  
Social Tension ◽  
New Interpretation ◽  
The Government

This article is dedicated to the problem of fear as a phenomenon of political power and dominance-subordination relations. The theoretical-methodological framework for the analysis of correlation between fear and political power is comprised of the works of Russian and foreign philosophers and sociologists (O. Comte, H. Spencer, T. Parsons, N. Luhmann, E. Shils, A. S. Panarin, and other.). The author examines such phenomenon as the fear of punishment, the peculiarities of occurrence of fear in the conditions of total control over citizens under despotic and democratic political regime, in the situation of destruction of the government. Characteristic is given to the fears of politicians (personal fears, fear of losing power, fear of democracy). Based on the theoretical models along with attracted historical and statistical material, it is demonstrated that fear is an inevitable side effect of any power that tends to conservation of the existing model of relations between the government and society. The article provides a new interpretation of the idea of the supporters of psychoanalysis on channeling the fears of politicians onto the population. It is underlined that in the current conditions, it is not so much the fears of the political elite, as on converting them into a governing technique. The latter conceals the true concerns of the political elite, as well as displaces the moods of discontent and social tension, turning them into fear towards the objects developed in the information field.

Transformation of the welfare state in Lithuania: Towards globalization and Europeanization

2014 ◽  
Vol 47 (1) ◽  
pp. 59-69 ◽  
Author(s):  
Jolanta Aidukaite
Keyword(s):  
Social Security ◽  
World Bank ◽  
Political Elite ◽  
The Political ◽  
The World Bank ◽  
Economic Elite ◽  
Social Security Reforms ◽  
The Impact ◽  
The International Monetary Fund ◽  
The Welfare State

This paper is designed to shed some light on possible impacts of globalization and Europeanization on social security reforms in one of the new EU member state - Lithuania. The paper is based on 67 expert interviews conducted with the political elite, academics, journalists, senior civil servants, interest group representatives and the economic elite. The paper highlights the higher influence of globalization through the activities of such supranational agencies as the World Bank and the International Monetary Fund compared to the impact of cognitive Europeanization on social security reforms.

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